Full text of "A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own)"

See other formats

Google

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project

to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the

publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at |http: //books .google .com/I

J/iZ fnttj oua.,!, ^Lsc ^/>fZ^ af/Je s^uajtom ^^//- '

Lffti/sa^ -J ^f Jams ^^^^^fi^ ^i^^i/ ^^

^. "^

1 "7 -^7

0^*^ //^'**

•

^£4t^t t^A

A^mt,

/€u

^ ^Ufrm,(iu^ *f fifi/^*^

^^€^

^ /^

A History of the 17th Lancers

1 ^

?»

A History
Of the 1 7th Lancers

(DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE'S OWN)

HON. J. W. FORTESCUE

Honhon

MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND NEW YORK

1895

[

Co t^e a^emorp

MAJOR-GENERAL JAMES WOLFE

WHO FELL GLORIOUSLY IN THE MOMENT OF VICTORY
ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM BEFORE QUEBEC

13th SEPTEMBER 1759

THIS HISTORY

OF THE REGIMENT RAISED IN HIS HONOUR

BY HIS COMRADE IN ARMS

JOHN HALE

IS PROUDLY AND REVERENTLY INSCRIBED

\ \ " ! L--

e-iUJl

Preface

This history has been compiled at the request of the Colonel
and Officers of the Seventeenth Lancers.

The materials in possession of the Regiment are unfortun-
ately very scanty, being in fact little more than the manuscript of
the short, and not very accurate summary drawn up nearly sixty
years ago for Cannon's Historical Records of the British Army,
The loss of the regimental papers by shipwreck in 1797 accounts
for the absence of all documents previous to that year, as also,
I take it, for the neglect to preserve any sufficient records during

XT many subsequent decades. I have therefore been forced to seek

information almost exclusively from external sources.

f- The material for the first three chapters has been gathered

in part from original documents preserved in the Record Office, —
Minutes of the Board of General Officers, Muster-Rolls, Pay-
sheets, Inspection Returns, Marching Orders, and the like; in
part from a mass of old drill-books, printed Standing Orders, and
military treatises, French and English, in the British Museum.
The most important* of these latter are Dalrymple's Military
Essayy Bland's Military Discipline^ and, above all, Hinde's
Discipline of the Light Horse (1778).

For the American War I have relied principally on the

History of the 17th Lancers

original despatches and papers, numerous enough, in the Record
Office, Tarleton's Memoirs, and Stedman's History of the American
W^ar, — the last named being especially valuable for the excellence
of its maps and plans. I have also, setting aside minor works,
derived much information from the two volumes of the Clinton-
Cornwallis Controversy compiled by Mr. B. Stevenson ; and from
Clinton's original pamphlets, with manuscript additions in his own
hand, which are preserved in the library at Dropmore.

For the campaigns in the West Indies the original despatches
in the Record Office have affi^rded most material, supplemented
by a certain number of small pamphlets in the British Museum.
The Maroon War is treated with great fulness by Dallas in his
History of the Maroons ; and there is matter also in Bridges'
Annals of Jamaica, and the works of Bryan Edwards. The
original despatches are, however, indispensable to a right under-
standing of the war. Unfortunately the despatches that relate to
St. Domingo are not to be found at the Record Office, so that I
have been compelled to fall back on the few that are published in
the London Gazette, Nor could I find any documents relating to
the return of the Regiment from the West Indies, which has
forced me unwillingly to accept the bald statement in Cannon's

records.

The raid on Ostend and the expedition to La Plata have been
related mainly from the accounts in the original despatches, and
from the reports of the courts-martial on General Whitelocke and
Sir Home Popham. There is much interesting information as to
South America, — original memoranda by Miranda, Popham, Sir
Arthur Wellesley (the Duke of Wellington) and other docu-
ments — preserved among the manuscripts at Dropmore.

Preface

The dearth of original documents both at the Record Office
and the India Office has seriously hampered me in tracing the
history of the Regiment during its first sojourn in India and
through the Pindari War. I have, however, to thank the
officials of the Record Department of the India Office for the
ready courtesy with which they disinterred every paper, in print
or manuscript, which could be of service to me.

Respecting the Crimea and the Indian Mutiny I have received
(setting aside the standard histories) much help from former
officers, notably Sir Robert White, Sir William Gordon, and
Sir Drury Lowe, but especially from Sir Evelyn Wood, who
kindly found time, amid all the pressure of his official duties,
to give me many interesting particulars respecting the chase
of Tantia Topee. Above all I have to thank Colonel John
Brown for information and assistance on a hundred points. His
long experience and his accurate memory, quickened but not
clouded by his intense attachment to his old regiment, have been
of the greatest value to me.

My thanks are also due to the officials of the Record
Department of the War Office, and to Mr. S. M. Milne of
Calverley House, Leeds, for help on divers minute but trouble-
some points, and to Captain Anstruther of the Seventeenth
Lancers for constant information and advice. Lastly, and
principally, let me express my deep obligations to Mr. Hubert
Hall for his unwearied courtesy and invaluable guidance through
the paper labyrinth of the Record Office, and to Mr. G. K.
Fortescue, the Superintendent of the Reading-Room at the British
Museum, for help rendered twice inestimable by the kindness
wherewith it was bestowed.

History of the 17th Lancers

The first and two last of the coloured plates in this book have
been taken from original drawings by Mr J. P. Beadle. The
remainder are from old drawings, by one G. Salisbury, in the
possession of the regiment. They have been deliberately chosen
as giving, on the whole, a more faithful presentment of the old
and extinct British soldier than could easily be obtained at the
present day, while their defects are of the obvious kind that disarm
criticism. The portrait of Colonel John Hale is from an
engraving after a portrait by Sir Joshua Reynolds, the original of
which is still in possession of his lineal descendant in America.
That of Lord Bingham is after a portrait kindly placed at the
disposal of the Regiment by his son, the present Earl of Lucan.
Those of the Duke of Cambridge and of Sir Drury Lowe are
from photographs.

May^ 1895.

XII

Contents

CHAP.

1. The Rise of the 17th Light Dragoons, 1759

2. The Making of the 17th Light Dragoons .

3. Reforms after the Peace of Paris, 1 763-1 774

4. The American War — ist Stage — The Northern Campaign,

1 775-1 780 ......

5. The American War — 2nd Stage — The Southern Campaign,

1780-1782 ......

6. Return of the 17th from America, 1783 — Ireland, 1793 —

Embarkation for the West Indies, 1795

7. The Maroon War in Jamaica, 1795

8. Grenada and St. Domingo, 1796

9. Ostend — La Plata, 1 797-1 807

10. First Sojourn of the 17th in India, 1 808-1 823 — The Pindari

War .....

11. Home Service, 1823-1854

12. The Crimea, 1 854-1 856

13. Central India, 1858-1859

14. Peace Service in India and England, 1 859-1 879

15. The Zulu War — Peace Service in India and at Home,

1 879-1 894 . . ...

• • •

XUI

PACE
I

3»

87
96

IIO
121
128
144
166

174

History of the 17 th Lancers

Appendix

PAGE

A. A List of the Officers of the 17th Light Dragoons, Lancers 181

B. Quarters and Movements of the 17th Lancers since their

Foundation ...... 236

C. Pay of all Ranks of a Light Dragoon Regiment, 1764 . 241

D. Horse Furniture and Accoutrements of a Light Dragoon,

1759 ....... 243

E. Clothing, etc. of a Light Dragoon, 1764 . . 244

F. Evolutions required at the Inspection of a Regiment, 1759. 245

XIV

List of Illustrations

Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale

PAGE

Frontispiece

H.R.H. The Duke of Cambridge, K.G., Colonel- in -Chief 17th
Lancers ...... To face

Seventeenth Light Dragoons, 1764

Privates, 1 784-1 810

Officers, 1810-1813

Privates, 1810-1813

Officer, Corporal, and Privates, 18 14

Officers and Private, 181 7-1 823

Officers, 1824

Privates, 1 824-1 829

George, Lord Bingham

Officers, 1829

Officer and Privates, 1 829-1 832

Officers, 1 832-1 841

Central India, 1858, 1859 .

Lieutenant-General Sir Drury Curzon Drury Lowe, K.C.B

Seventeenth Lancers, 1895 . . . .

I
II

31
48

48
65

102
117
121
128

'43
'55
165

179
227

CHAPTER I

THE RISE OF THE I7TH LIGHT DRAGOONS, 1759

The British Cavalry Soldier and the British Cavalry Regiment, 1645.
such as we now know them, may be said to date from 1645, that
being the year in which the Parliamentary Army, then engaged in
fighting against King Charles the First, was finally remodelled.
At the outbreak of the war the Parliamentary cavalry was organised
in seventy-five troops of horse and five of dragoons : the Captain
of the 67 th troop of horse was Oliver Cromwell. In the winter
of 1642-43 Captain Cromwell was promoted to be Colonel, and
entrusted with the task of raising a regiment of horse. This
duty he fulfilled after a fashion peculiarly his own. Hitherto the
Parliamentary horse had been little better than a lot of half-trained
yeomen : Colonel Cromwell took the trouble to make his men
into disciplined cavalry soldiers. Moreover, he raised not one
regiment, but two, which soon made a mark by their superior
discipline and efficiency, and finally at the battle of Marston Moor
defeated the hitherto invincible cavalry of the Royalists. After
that battle Prince Rupert, the Royalist cavalry leader, gave Colonel
Cromwell the nickname of Ironside ; the name was passed on to
his regiments, which grew to be known no longer as Cromwell's,
but as Ironside's.

In 1645, when the army was remodelled, these two famous
regiments were taken as the pattern for the English cavalry ; and
having been blent into one, appear at the head of the list as Sir
Thomas Fairfax's Regiment of Horse. Fairfax was General-
in-Chief, and his appointment to the colonelcy was of course a

I B

History of the 17 th Lancers

1645- compliment to the regiment. Besides Fairfax's there were ten
other regiments of horse, each consisting of six troops of 100 men
apiece, including three corporals and two trumpeters. As the
field-officers in those days had each a troop of his own, the full
establishment of the regiments was i colonel, i major, 4 captains,
6 lieutenants, 6 cornets, 6 quartermasters. Such was the origin of
the British Cavalry Regiment.

The troopers, like every other man in this remodelled army,
wore scarlet coats faced with their Colonel's colours — blue in the
case of Fairfax. They were equipped with an iron cuirass and
an iron helmet, armed with a brace of pistols and a long straight
sword, and mounted on horses mostly under fifteen hands in
height. For drill in the field they were formed in five ranks,
with six feet (one horse's length in those days), both of interval
and distance, between ranks and files, so that the whole troop
could take ground to flanks or rear by the simple words, " To
your right (or left) turn ; " " To your right (or left) about turn."
Thus, as a rule, every horse turned on his own ground, and the
troop was rarely wheeled entire : if the latter course were neces-
sary, ranks and files were closed up till the men stood knee to
knee, and the horses nose to croup. This formation deservedly
bore the name of "close order." For increasing the front the
order was, " To the right (or left) double your ranks," which
brought the men of the second and fourth ranks into the intervals
of the first and third, leaving the fifth rank untouched. To
diminish the front the order was : "To the right (or left) double
your files," which doubled the depth of the files from five to ten
in the same way as infantry files are now doubled at the word,
" Form fours."

The principal weapons of the cavalry soldiers were his fire-
arms, generally pistols, but sometimes a carbine. The lance,
which had formerly been the favourite weapon, at Crecy for
instance, was utterly out of fashion in Cromwell's time, and never
employed when any other arm was procurable. Firearms were
the rage of the day, and governed the whole system of cavalry

The Rise of the i yth Light Dragoons

attack. Thus in action the front rank fired its two pistols, and 1645.
filed away to load again in the rear, while the second and third
ranks came up and did likewise. If the word were given to
charge, the men advanced to the charge pistol in hand, fired, threw
it in the enemy's face, and then fell in with the sword. But
though there was a very elaborate exercise for carbine and pistol,
there was no such thing as sword exercise.

Moreover, though the whole system of drill was diflicult, and
required perfection of training in horse and man, yet there was no
such thing as a regular riding-school. If a troop horse was a
kicker a bell was placed on his crupper to warn men to keep clear
of his heels. If he were a jibber the following were the instruc-
tions given for his cure : —

" If your horse be resty so as he cannot be put forwards then
let one take a cat tied by the tail to a long pole, and when he [the
horse] goes backward, thrust the cat within his tail where she may
claw him, and forget not to threaten your horse with a terrible
noise. Or otherwise, take a hedgehog and tie him strait by
one of his feet to the horse's tail, so that he [the hedgehog] may
squeal and prick him."

For the rest, certain peculiarities should be noted which dis-
tinguish cavalry from infantry. In the first place, though every
troop and every company had a standard of its own, such standard
was called in the cavalry a Cornet, and in the infantry an Ensign,
and gave in each case its name to the junior subaltern whose duty
it was to carry it. In the second place there were no sergeants in
old days except in the infantry, the non-commissioned officers of
cavalry being corporals only. In the third place, the use of a wind
instrument for making signals was confined to the cavalry, which
used the trumpet ; the infantry as yet had no bugle, but only the
drum. There were originally but six trumpet-calls, all known by
foreign names ; of which names one (Butte sella or Boute selle)
still survives in the corrupted form, " Boots and saddles."

How then have these minor distinctions which formerly
separated cavalry from infantry so utterly disappeared ? Through

History of the i yth Lancers

'645. what channel did the two branches of the service contrive to meet ?
The answer is, through the dragoons. Dragoons were originally
mounted infantry pure and simple. Those of the Army of 1645
were organised in ten companies, each 100 men strong. They
were armed like infantry and drilled like infantry ; they followed
an ensign and not a cornet ; they obeyed, not a trumpet, but a drum.
True, they were mounted, but on inferior horses, and for the
object of swifter mobility only ; for they always fought on foot,
dismounting nine men out of ten for action, and linking the horses
by the rude process of throwing each animal's bridle over the
head of the horse standing next to it in the ranks. Such were the
two branches of the mounted service in the first British Army.

t745- A century passes, and we find Great Britain again torn by
internal strife in the shape of the Scotch rebellion. Glancing at
the list of the British cavalry regiments at this period we find
them still divided into horse and dragoons ; but the dragoons
are in decided preponderance, and both branches unmistakably
** heavy." A patriotic Englishman, the Duke of Kingston,
observing this latter failing, raised a regiment of Light Horse
(the first ever seen in England) at his own expense, in imitation
of the Hussars of foreign countries. Thus the Civil War of
1745 called into existence the only arm of the military service
which had been left uncreate by the great rebellion of 1642-48.
Before leaving this Scotch rebellion of 1745, let us remark that
there took part in the suppression thereof a young ensign of the
47th Foot, named John Hale — a mere boy of seventeen, it is
true, but a promising oflicer, of whom we shall hear more.

The Scotch rebellion over, the Duke of Kingston's Light
Horse were disbanded and re-established forthwith as the Duke of
Cumberland's own, a delicate compliment to their distinguished
service. As such they fought in Flanders in 1747, but were
finally disbanded in the following year. For seven years after the
British Army possessed no Light Cavalry, until at the end of
1755 a single troop of Light Dragoons — 3 officers and 65 men

The Rise of the 1 7 th Light Dragoons

strong — ^was added to each of the eleven cavalry regiments on the 1745-
British establishment, viz., the ist, 2nd, and 3rd Dragoon Guards,
and the ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, loth, and nth Dragoons.
These light dragoons were armed with carbine and bayonet and a
single pistol, the second holster being filled (sufliciently filled, one
must conclude) with an axe, a hedging-bill, and a spade. Their
shoulder-belts were provided with a swivel to which the carbine
could be sprung ; for these light troops were expected to do a
deal of firing from the saddle. Their main distinction of dress
was that they wore not hats like the rest of the army, but helmets
— helmets of strong black jacked leather with bars down the sides
and a brass comb on the top. The front of the helmet was red,
ornamented with the royal cypher and the regimental number in
brass ; and at the back of the comb was a tuft of horse-hair,
half coloured red for the King, and half of the hue of the
regimental facings for the regiment. The Light Dragoon-horse,
we learn, was of the " nag or hunter kind," standing from 14.3 to
1 5.1, for he was not expected to carry so heavy a man nor such
cumbrous saddlery as the Heavy Dragoon-horse. Of this latter we
can only say that he was a most ponderous animal, with a character
of his own, known as the " true dragoon mould, short-backed,
well-coupled, buttocked, quartered, forehanded, and limbed," — all
of which qualities had to be purchased for twenty guineas. At
this time, and until 1764, all troop horses were docked so short
that they can hardly be said to have kept any tail at all.

In the year 1758 nine of these eleven light troops took
part in an expedition to the coast of France, England having
two years before allied herself with Prussia against France for the
great struggle known as the Seven Years' War. So eminent was
the service which they rendered, that in March 1759, King 1759.
George II. decided to raise an entire regiment of Light Dragoons.
On the loth of March, accordingly, the first regiment was raised
by General Elliott and numbered the 1 5th. The Major of this
regiment, whom we shall meet again as Brigadier of cavalry in
America, was William Erskine. On the 4th August another

History of the 17th Lancers

1759- regiment of Light Dragoons was raised by Colonel Burgoyne, and
numbered the i6th. We shall see the i6th distinguished and
Burgoyne disgraced before twenty years are past.

And while these two first Light Dragoon regiments are
a -forming, let us glance across the water to Canada, where
English troops are fighting the French, and seem likely to take
the country from them. Among other regiments the 47th Foot
is there, commanded (since March 1758) by Colonel John Hale,
the man whom we saw fighting in Scotland as an ensign fourteen
years ago. Within the past year he has served with credit
under General Amherst at the capture of Cape Breton and
Louisburg, and in these days of August, while Burgoyne is
raising his regiment, he is before Quebec with General Wolfe.
Three months more pass away, and on the 13 th of October
Colonel John Hale suddenly arrives in London. He is the
bearer of despatches which are to set all England aflame with
pride and sorrow; for on the 13th of September was fought
the battle on the plains of Abraham which decided the capture of
Quebec and the conquest of Canada. General Wolfe fell at the
head of the 28 th Regiment in the moment of victory ; and Colonel
Hale, who took a brilliant share in the action at the head of the
47th, has been selected to carry the great news to the King.
Colonel Hale was well received ; the better for that Wolfe's last
despatches, written but four days before the battle, had been
marked by a tone of deep despondency ; and, we cannot doubt,
began to wonder what would be his reward. He did not wonder
for long.

Very shortly after Hale's arrival the King reviewed the 1 5th
Light Dragoons, and was so well pleased with their appearance
that he resolved to raise five more such regiments, to be numbered
the 17th to the 21st.

The raising of the first of these regiments, that now known
to us as the Seventeenth Lancers, was intrusted to Colonel John
Hale, who received his commission for the purpose on the 7th

The Rise of the 17th Light Dragoons

November. For the time, however, the regiment was known as 1759-
the Eighteenth, for what reason it is a little difficult to under-
stand ; since the apology for a corps which received the number
Seventeen was not raised until a full month later (December
19th). As we shall presently see, this matter of the number
appears to have caused some heartburning, until Lord Aber-
dour s corps, which had usurped the rank of Seventeenth, was
finally disbanded, and thus yielded to Hale's its proper precedence.

On the very day when Colonel Hale's commission was signed, 7th Nov.
which we may call the birthday of the Seventeenth Lancers, the
Board of General Officers was summoned to decide how the new
regiment should be dressed. As to the colour of the coat there
could be no doubt, scarlet being the rule for all regiments. For
the facings white was the colour chosen, and for the lace white
with a black edge, the black being a sign of mourning for the death
of Wolfe. But the principal distinction of the new regiment was
the badge, chosen by Colonel Hale and approved by the King, of
the Death's Head and the motto " Or Glory," — the significance
of which lies not so much in claptrap sentiment, as in the fact that
it is, as it were, a perpetual commemoration of the death of
Wolfe. It is difficult for us to realise, after the lapse of nearly
a century and a half, how powerfully the story of that death
seized at the time upon the minds of men.

Two days after the settlement of the dress, a warrant was
issued for the arming of Colonel Hale's Light Dragoons ; and
this, being the earliest document relating to the regiment that
I have been able to discover, is here given entire : —

George R.
Whereas we have thought fit to order a Regiment of Light Dragoons
to be raised and to be commanded by our trusty and well-beloved Lieu-
tenant-Colonel John Hale, which Regiment is to consist of Four troops, of
3 sergeants, 3 corporals, 2 drummers, and 67 private men in each troop,
besides commission officers, Our will and pleasure is, that out of the stores
remaining within the Office of our Ordnance under your charge you cause
300 pairs of pistols, 292 carbines, 292 cartouche boxes, and 8 drums, to be
issued and delivered to the said Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale, or to such

History of the 17 th Lancers

1759, person ^ l^c shall appoint to receive the same, taking his indent as usual,
and you are to insert the expense thereof in your next estimate to be laid
before Parliament. And for so doing this shall be as well to you as to all
other our officers and ministers herein concerned a sufficient Warrant.

Given at our Court at St. James' the 9th day of November 1759,
in the 33rd year of our reign.

To our trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Councillor John Viscount
Ligonier, Master-General of our Ordnance.

These preliminaries of clothing and armament being settled,
Colonel Hale's next duty was to raise the men. Being a Hert-
fordshire man, the son of Sir Bernard Hale of Kings Walden, he
naturally betook himself to his native county to raise recruits
among his own people. The first troop was raised by Captain
Franklin Kirby, Lieutenant, 5th Foot ; the second by Captain
Samuel Birch, Lieutenant, nth Dragoons; the third by Captain
Martin Basil, Lieutenant, 1 5th Light Dragoons ; and the fourth
by Captain Edward Lascelles, Cornet, Royal Horse Guards.
If it be asked what stamp of man was preferred for the Light
Dragoons, we are able to answer that the recruits were required to
be " light and straight, and by no means gummy," not under
5 feet 5^ inches, and not over 5 feet 9 inches in height. The
bounty usually offered (but varied at the Colonel's discretion) was
three guineas, or as much less as a recruit could be persuaded
to accept.

Whether from exceptional liberality on the part of Colonel
Hale, or from an extraordinary abundance of light, straight, and
by no means gummy men in Hertfordshire at that period, the
regiment was recruited up to its establishment, we are told, within

December, the space of Seventeen days. Early in December it made rendez-
vous at Watford and Rickmansworth, whence it marched to
Warwick and Stratford-on-Avon, and thence a fortnight later
to Coventry. Meanwhile orders had already been given (loth
December) that its establishment should be augmented by two
more troops of the same strength as the original four ; and little

28th Jan. more than a month later came a second order to mcrease each

The Rise of the 17 th Light Dragoons

■_ _ ^^^^M^M !■ — _ - - - .^

of the existing troops still further by the addition of a sergeant, 1760.
a corporal, and 36 privates. Thus the regiment, increased almost
as soon as raised from 300 to 450 men, and within a few weeks
again strengthened by one-half, may be said to have begun life
with an establishment of 678 rank and file. To them we must
add a list of the original officers : —

Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant, — ^John Hale, 7th November 1759.
Major. — ^John Blaquiere, 7th November 1759.

Captains.

LlEUTCNANTS.

COKNCTS.

Franklin Kir by . 4th Nov.

Thomas Lee.

4th

Nov.

Robert Archdall .

4th Nov

Samuel Birch . . 5th „

William Green

5th

Henry Bishop

5th „

Martin Basil . 6th „

Joseph Hall .

6th

»»

Joseph Stopford

6th „

Edward Lascelles . 7th „

Henry Wallop .

7th

»»

Henry Crofton

7th „

John Burton . . 7 th „

Henry Cope .

7th

Joseph Moxham .

7th „

Samuel Townshend 8th „

Yelverton Peyton .

8th

i»

Daniel Brown

8th „

Adjutant, — Richar

d Westbury.

Surgei

w. — ^John Francis.

CHAPTER II

THE MAKING OF THE I7TH LIGHT DRAGOONS

1760. Details of the regiment's stay at Coventry are wanting, the
only discoverable fact being that, in obedience to orders from
headquarters, it was carefully moved out of the town for three
days in August during the race-meeting. But as these first
six months must have been devoted to the making of the raw
recruits into soldiers, we may endeavour, with what scanty
material we can command, to form some idea of the process.
First, we must premise that with the last order for the augmenta-
tion of establishment was issued a warrant for the supply of the
regiment with bayonets, which at that time formed an essential
part of a dragoon's equipment. Swords, it may be remarked,
were provided, not by the Board of Ordnance, but by the Colonel.
It is worth while to note in passing how strong the traditions
of 1645 ^^^'' remain in the dragoons. The junior subaltern
is indeed no longer called an ensign, but a cornet ; but the
regiment is still ruled by the infantry drum instead of the
cavalry trumpet.

Let us therefore begin with the men ; and as we have already
seen what manner of men they were, physically considered, let us
first note how they were dressed. Strictly speaking, it was not
until 1764 that the Light Dragoon regiments received their distinct
dress regulations ; but the alterations then made were so slight
that we may fairly take the dress of 1764 as the dress of 1760.
To begin with, every man was supplied by the Colonel, by
contract, with coat, waistcoat, breeches, and cloak. The coat, of

^■Bl^mj^^jP! ^^^^^i*

' "S_ j?^-J

t^ip*

fl^^

I JA ^.luL.^^'-'

L i

A^K.' !»^»bBlj .^ M '-J .^K^^^^^B

sr-

^^•^^^hkK^^^e!^

The Making of the 17th Light Dragoons

course, was of scarlet, full and long in the skirt, but whether 1760.
lapelled or not before 1763 it is difficult to say. Lapels meant a
good deal in those days ; the coats of Horse being lapelled to the
skirt, those of Dragoon Guards lapelled to the waist, while those
of Dragoons were double-breasted and had no lapels at all. The
Light Dragoons being a novelty, it is difficult to say how they
were distinguished in this respect, but probably in 1760 (and
certainly in 1763) their coats were lapelled to the waist with the
colour of the regimental facing, the lapels being three inches
broad, with plain white buttons disposed thereon in pairs.

The waistcoat was of the colour of the regimental facing —
white, of course, for the Seventeenth ; and the breeches likewise.
The cloaks were scarlet, with capes of the colour of the facing.
In fact, it may be said once for all that everything white in the
uniform of the Seventeenth owes its hue to the colour of the
regimental facing.

Over and above these articles the Light Dragoon received a
pair of high knee-boots, a pair of boot-stockings, a pair of gloves,
a comb, a watering or forage cap, a helmet, and a stable frock.
Pleased as the recruit must have been to find himself in possession
of smart clothes, it must have been a little discouraging for him
to learn that his coat, waistcoat, and breeches were to last him
for two, and his helmet, boots, and cloak for four years. But this
was not all. He was required to supply out of an annual wage
of ^^13 : 14 : 10 the following articles at his own expense : —

4 shirts at 6s. lod. .

-l^

4 pairs stockings at 2s. lod.

2 pairs shoes at 6s. .

A black stock

Stock- buckle

I pair leather breeches

I pair knee-buckles .

2 pairs short black gaiters .

I black ball (the old substitute for blacking)

3 shoe-brushes . . . .

History of the i yth Lancers

1760. Nor was even this all, for we find (though without mention
of their price) that a pair of checked sleeves for every man, and
a powder bag with two puffs for every two men had likewise to
be supplied from the same slender pittance.

Turning next from the man himself to his horse, his arms,
and accoutrements, we discover yet further charges against his
purse, thus —

Horse-picker and turnscrew

■lo

Worm and oil-bottle .

Goatskin holster tops .

Curry-comb and brush

Mane comb and sponge

Horse-cloth .

Snaffle watering bridle

;C°.

Also a pair of saddle-bags, a turn-key, and an awl.

All these various items were paid for, *' according to King's
regulation and custom," out of the soldier's " arrears and grass
money." For his pay was made up of three items —

"Subsistence" (5d. a day nominal)
" Arrears " (2d. a day nominal) .
" Grass money "

'l9
.310

I II 10

2 o per annum.
55

))

We must therefore infer that his "subsistence" could not
be stopped for his " necessaries " (as the various items enumerated
above are termed); but none the less twopence out of the daily
stipend was stopped for his food, while His Majesty the King
deducted for his royal use a shilling in the pound from the pay
of every soul in the army. Small wonder that heavy bounty-
money was needed to persuade men to enlist.

What manner of instruction the recruit received on his first
appearance it is a little difficult to state positively, though it is
still possible to form a dim conception thereof. The first thing

The Making of the i yth Light Dragoons

that he was taught, apparently, was the manual and firing exercise, 1760.
of which we are fortunately able to speak with some confidence.
As it contains some eighty-eight words of command, we may
safely infer that by the time a recruit had mastered it he must
have been pretty well disciplined. The minuteness of the exercise
and the extraordinary number of the motions sufficiently show
that it counted for a great deal. **The first motion of every
word of command is to be performed immediately after it is
given ; but before you proceed to any of the other motions you
must tell one, two, pretty slow, by making a stop between the
words, and in pronouncing the word twoy the motion is to be
performed." In those days the word " smart " was just coming
into use, but ** brisk " is the more common substitute. Let us
picture the squad of recruits with their carbines, in their stable
frocks, white breeches, and short black gaiters, and listen to the
instructions which the corporal is giving them : —

"Now on the word Shut your panSy let fall the primer and
take hold of the steel with your right hand, placing the thumb in
the upper part, and the two forefingers on the lower. Tell one^
PtvOy and shut the pan ; tell onCy twoy and seize the carbine behind
the lock with the right hand ; then tell one^ twOy and bring your
carbine briskly to the recover. Wait for the word. Shut your
— pans, one — two, one^two, one — two."

There is no need to go further through the weary iteration of
" Join your right hand to your carbine," " Poise your carbine,"
" Join your left hand to your carbine," whereby the recruit learned
the difference between his right hand and his left. Suffice it that
the manual and firing exercise contain the only detailed instruction
for the original Light Dragoon that is now discoverable. " Setting-
up" drill there was apparently none, sword exercise there was
none, riding-school, as we now understand it, there was none,
though there was a riding-master. A "ride" appears to have
comprised at most twelve men, who moved in a circle round the
riding-master and received his teaching as best they could. But
it must not be inferred on that account that the men could not

History of the 17th Lancers

1760. ride ; on the contrary the Light Dragoons seem to have particularly
excelled in horsemanship. Passaging, reining back, and other
movements which call for careful training of man and horse, were
fer more extensively used for purposes of manceuvre than at
present. Moreover, every man was taught to fire from on
horseback, even at the gallop ; and as the Light Dragoons
received an extra allowance of ammunition for ball practice,
it is reasonable to conclude that they spent a good deal of their
time at the butts, both mounted and dismounted.

As to the ordinary routine life of the cavalry barrack, it is
only possible to obtain a slight glimpse thereof from scattered
notices. Each troop was divided into three squads with a
corporal and a sergeant at the head of each. Each squad formed
a mess; and it is laid down as the duty of the sergeants and
corporals to see that the men " boil the pot every day and feed
wholesome and clean." The barrack -rooms and billets must
have been pretty well filled, for every scrap of a man's equip-
ment, including his saddle and saddle-furniture, was hung up
therein according to the position of his bed. As every bed
contained at least two men, there must have been some tight
packing. It is a relief to find that the men could obtain a clean
pair of sheets every thirty days, provided that they returned the
foul pair and paid three halfpence for the washing.

The fixed hours laid down in the standing orders of the
Light Dragoons of 14th May 1760 are as follows : —

The drum beat for —

Reveille from Ladyday to Michaelmas 5.30 a.m. Rest of year 6.30

Morning stables „ „ 8 a.m. „ 9.0

Evening stables „ „ 4 p.m. „ 3.0
"Rack up" „ „ 8 P.M.

Tattoo^ „ „ 9 P.M. „ 8.0

If there was an order for a mounted parade the drum beat —
1st drum — "To horse." The men turned out, under the eye of

' In those days written Tap-to, meaning that no more liquor was to be drawn.

The Making of the 1 7 th Light Dragoons

the quartermaster and fell in before the stable door in rank 1760.

entire. Officers then inspected their troops ; and each troop

was told off in three divisions.
2nd drum — " Preparative." By the Adjutant's order.
3rd drum' — " A flam." The centre division stood fest ; the right

division advanced, and the left division reined back, each two

horses' lengths.
4th drum — "A flam." The front and rear divisions passaged to

right and left and covered off, thus forming the troop in three

ranks.
5th drum — " A march." The quartermasters led the troops to their

proper position in squadron.
6th drum — " A flam." Officers rode to their posts (troop-leaders on

the flank of their troops), facing their troops.
7th drum — "A flam." The officers halted, and turned about to

their proper front.

Then the word was given — " Take care " (which meant
*' Attention "). " Draw your swords ; " and the regiment was
thus ready to receive the three squadron standards, which were
escorted on to the ground and posted in the ranks, in the centre
of the three squadrons.

Each squadron was then told ofF into half-squadrons, into
three divisions, into half-ranks, into fours, and into files. As
there are many people who do not know how to tell off a squadron
by fours, it may be as well to mention how it was done. The
men were not numbered off, but the officer went down each rank,
beginning at the right-hand man, and said to the first, " You are
the right-hand man of ranks by fours." Then going on to the
fourth he said, " You are the left-hand man of ranks by fours,"
and so on. Telling off by files was a simpler afl^ir. The officer
rode down the ranks, pointing to each man, and saying alternately,
" You move," " You stand," ''You move," " You stand." Conceive
what the confusion must have been if the men took it into their
heads to be troublesome. " Beg your honour's pardon, but you
said I was to stand," is the kind of speech that must have been
heard pretty often in those days, when field movements went awry.

If the mounted parade went no further, the men marched back

History of the 1 7 th Lancers

1760. to their quarters in fours, each of the three ranks separately ; for
in those days " fours " meant four men of one rank abreast. If
field movements were practised, the system and execution thereof
were left to the Colonel, unhampered by a drill-book. There was,
however, a batch of "evolutions" which were prescribed by
regulation, and required of every regiment when inspected by the
King or a general officer. As these "evolutions" lasted, with
some modification, till the end of the century, and (such is human
nature) formed sometimes the only instruction, besides the manual
exercise, that was imparted to the regiment, it may be as well to
give a brief description thereof in this place. The efficiency of a
regiment was judged mainly from its performance of the evolu-
tions, which were supposed to be a searching test of horsemanship,
drill, and discipline.

First then the squadron was drawn up in three ranks, at open
order, that is to say, with a distance equal to half the front of the
squadron between each rank. Then each rank was told off by
half-rank, third of rank, and fours ; which done, the word was
given, " Officers take your posts of exercise," which signified that
the officers were to fall out to their front, and take post ten paces
in rear of the commanding officer, facing towards the regiment.
In other words, the regiment was required to go through the
coming movements without troop or squadron leaders. Then the
caution was given, " Take care to perform your evolutions," and
the evolutions began.

To avoid tedium an abridgment of the whole perform-
ance is given at some length in the Appendix, and it is
sufficient to say here that the first two evolutions consisted in the
doubling of the depth of the column. The left half-ranks reined
back and passaged to the right until they covered the right half-
ranks ; and the original formation having been restored by more
passaging, the right half-ranks did likewise. The next evolution
was the conversion of three ranks into two, which was effected by
the simple process of wheeling the rear rank into column of two
ranks, and bringing it up to the flank of the fi"ont and centre

The Making of the 17th Light Dragoons

ranks. Then came further variations of wheeling, and wheeling 1760.
about by half-ranks, thirds of ranks, and fours ; each movement
being executed of course to the halt on a fixed pivot, so that
through all these intricate manoeuvres the regiment practically
never moved off its ground. No doubt when performed, as in
smart regiments they were performed, like clockwork, these evolu-
tions were very pretty — and of course, like all drill, they had a
disciplinary as well as an aesthetic value ; but it must be confessed
that they left a blight upon the British cavalry for more than a
century. It is only within the last twenty years that the influence
of these evolutions, themselves a survival from the days of
Alexander the Great, has been wholly purged from our cavalry
drill-books.

Meanwhile at this time (and for full forty years after for that
matter) an immense deal of time was given up to dismounted
drill ; for the dragoons had not yet lost their character of mounted
infentry. To dismount a squadron, the even numbers (as we
should now say) reined back and passaged to the right ; and the
horses were then linked with "linking reins" carried for the
purpose, and left in charge of the two flank men, while the rest on
receiving the word, " Squadrons have a care to march forward,"
formed up in front, infantry wise, and were called for the time a
battalion. This dismounted drill formed as important a feature
of an inspection as the work done on horseback. Probably the
survival of the march past the inspecting oflicer on foot may be
traced to the traditions of those days.

If it be asked how time was found for so much dismounted
work, the explanation is simple. From the i st of May to the i st
October the troop horses were turned out to grass, and committed
to the keeping of a " grass guard " — having, most probably, first
gone through a course of bleeding at the hands of the farriers.
It appears to have mattered but little how far distant the grass
might be from the men's quarters ; for we find that if it lay six
or eight miles away, the "grass guard" was to consist of a
corporal and six men, while if it were within a mile or two, two

17 c

History of the 17th Lancers

1760 or three old soldiers were held to be amply sufficient. Men on
" grass guard " were not allowed to take their cloaks with them,
but were provided with special coats, whereof three or four were
kept in each troop for the purpose. " Grass-time," it may be
added, was not the busy, but the slack time for cavalrymen in
those days — the one season wherein furloughs were permitted.

The close of the "grass-time" must have been a curious
period in the soldier's year, with its renewal of the long-abandoned
stable work and probable extra tightening of discipline. On the
farriers above all it must have borne heavily, bringing with it, as
we must conclude, the prospect of reshoeing every horse in the
regiment. Moreover, the penalty paid by a farrier who lamed a
horse was brutally simple : his liquor was stopped till the horse
was sound. Nevertheless the farrier had his consolations, for he
received a halfpenny a day for every horse under his charge, and
must therefore have rejoiced to see his troop stable well filled.
. The men, probably, in a good regiment, required less smartening
after grass-time than their horses. Light Dragoons thought a
great deal of themselves, and were well looked after even on
furlough. At the bottom of every furlough paper was a note
requesting any officer who might read it to report to the regiment
if the bearer were " unsoldierly in dress or manner." We gather,
from a stray order, " that soldiers shall wear their hair under their
hats," that even in those days men were bitten with the still
prevailing fashion of making much of their hair ; but we must
hope that Hale's regiment knew better than to yield to it.

Every man, of course, had a queue of leather or of his own
hair, either hanging at full length, in which case it was a " queue,"
or partly doubled back, when it became a " club." Which fashion
was favoured by Colonel Hale we are, alas ! unable to say,^ but we
gain some knowledge of the coiffure of the Light Dragoons from
the following standing orders : —

1 There were curious ideas afloat in those days about soldiers' heads. Colonel Dalrymple of
the King's Own Dragoons suggests (1761) that the men's hair should be cut close, but that they
should be provided with Spanish lamb's-wool wigs for cold and rainy weather.

The Making of the 17th Light Dragoons

" The Light Dragoon is always to appear clean and dressed in a 1760.
soldier-like manner in the streets ; his skirts tucked back, a black
stock and black gaiters, but no powder. On Sundays the men are
to have white stocks, and be well powdered, but no grease on their
hair."

Here, therefore, we have a glimpse of the original trooper of
the Seventeenth in his very best : his scarlet coat and white facings
neat and spotless, the skirts tucked back to show the white lining,
the glory of his white waistcoat, and the sheen of his white breeches.
" Russia linen," i.e. white duck, would be probably the material of
these last — Russia linen, '^ which lasts as long as leather and costs
but half-a-crown," to quote one of our best authorities. Then
below the white ducks, fitting close to the leg, came a neat pair of
black cloth gaiters running down to dull black shoes, cleaned with
" black ball " according to the regimental recipe. Round on his
neck was a spotless white stock, helping, with the powder on his
hair, to heighten the colour of his round, clean-shaven face.
Very attractive he must have seemed to the girls of Coventry in
the spring of 1760. What would we not give for his portrait by
Hogarth as he appeared some fine Sunday in Coventry streets,
with the lady of his choice on his arm, explaining to her that in
the Light Dragoons they put no grease on their heads, and in
proof thereof shaking a shower of powder from his hair on to her
dainty white cap ! Probably there were tender leave-takings when
in September the regiment was ordered northward ; possibly there
are descendants of these men, not necessarily bearing their names,
in Coventry to this day.

CHAPTER III

REFORMS AFTER THE PEACE OF PARIS, I763-I774

1760. In September Hale's Light Dragoons moved up to Berwick-on-
Tweed, and thence into Scotland, where they were appointed to
remain for the three ensuing years. Before it left Coventry the
regiment, in common with all Light Dragoon regiments, had
gathered fresh importance for itself from the magnificent behaviour
of the 1 5th at Emsdorf on the 1 6th July ; in which engagement
Captain Martin Basil, who had returned to his own corps from
Colonel Hale's, was among the slain. The close of the year brings
us to the earliest of the regimental muster-rolls, which is dated
Haddington, 8th December 1 760. One must speak of muster-
rolls in the plural, for there is a separate muster-roll for each
troop — regimental rolls being at this period unknown.

These first rolls are somewhat of a curiosity, for that every one
of them describes Hale's regiment as the 17 th, the officers being
evidently unwilling to yield seniority to the two paltry troops

1 76 1. raised by Lord Aberdour. The next muster-rolls show consider-
able diflFerence of opinion as to the regimental number, the head-
quarter troop calling itself of the i8th, while the rest still claim

1762. to be of the 17th. In 1762 for the first time every troop

1763. acknowledges itself to be of the i8th, but in April 1763 the old
conflict of opinion reappears ; the head-quarter troop writes itself
down as of the i8th, two other troops as of the 17th, while the
remainder decline to commit themselves to any number at all. A
gap in the rolls from 1 763-1 771 prevents us from following the
controversy any further; but from this year 1763, the Seven-

Reforms after the Peace of Paris

teenth, as shall be shown, enjoys undisputed right to the number 1763-
which it originally claimed.

Albeit raised for service in the Seven Years' War, the regiment
was never sent abroad, though it furnished a draft of fifty men
and horses to the army under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick.
All efforts to discover anything about this draft have proved
fruitless ; though from the circumstance that Lieutenant Wallop
is described in the muster-rolls as " prisoner of war to the
French," it is just possible that it served as an independent unit,
and was actively engaged. But the war came to an end with the
Treaty of Paris early in 1763 ; and with the peace came a variety
of important changes for the Army, and particularly for the Light
Dragoons.

The first change, of course, was a great reduction of the military
establishment. Many regiments were disbanded — Lord Aber-
dour's, the 20th and 21st Light Dragoons among them. Colonel
Hale's regiment was retained, and became the Seventeenth ; and,
as if to warrant it continued life. Hale himself was promoted to be
full Colonel. We must not omit to mention here that, whether
on account of his advancement, or from other simpler causes,
Colonel Hale in this same year took to himself a wife. Miss Mary
Chaloner of Guisbrough. History does not relate whether the
occasion was duly celebrated by the regiment, either at the
Colonel's expense or at its own ; but it is safe to assume that, in
those hard-drinking days, such an opportunity for extra con-
sumption of liquor was not neglected. If the fulness of the
quiver be accepted as the measure of wedded happiness, then we
may fearlessly assert that Colonel Hale was a happy man. Mrs.
Hale bore him no fewer than twenty-one children, seventeen of
whom survived him.

The actual command of the regiment upon Colonel Hale's
promotion devolved upon Lieut.-Colonel Blaquiere, whose duty
it now became to carry out a number of new regulations laid down
after the peace for the guidance of the Light Dragoons. By July '764
1764 these reforms were finally completed ; and as they remained

History of the 17th Lancers

1764- in force for another twenty years, they must be given here at some
length. The pith of them lies in the fact that the authorities had
determined to emphasise in every possible way the distinction
between Light and Heavy Cavalry. Let us begin with the least
important, but most sentimental of all matters — ^the dress.

Privates

Coat. — (Alike for all ranks.) Scarlet, with 3-inch white lapels to the

waist. White collar and cuffs, sleeves unslit. White lining. Braid

on button - holes. Buttons, in pairs, white metal with regimental

number.
fVaistcoat. — White, unembroidered and unlaced. Cross pockets.
Breeches. — White, duck or leather.
Boots. — To the knee, " round toed and of a light sort."
Helmet. — Black leather, with badge of white metal in front, and white

turban round the base, plume and crest scarlet and white.
Forage Cap. — Red, turned up with white. Regimental number on little

flap.
Shoulder Belts. — White, 2| inches broad. Sword belt over the right

shoulder.
H^aist Belt. — White, i| inches broad.
Cloaks. — Red, white lining j loop of black and white lace on the top.

White cape.
Epaulettes. — White cloth with white worsted fringe.

Corporals

Same as the men. Distinguished by narrow silver lace round the turn-up
of the sleeves. Epaulettes bound with white silk tape, white silk
fringe.

Sergeants

Same as the men. Epaulettes bound with narrow silver lace ; silver fringe.
Narrow silver lace round button-holes. Sash of spun silk, crimson
with white stripe.

Q U ARTERM ASTERS

Same as the men. Silver epaulettes. Sash of spun silk, crimson.

Officers

Same as the men ; but with silver lace or embroidery at the Colonel's

Reforms after the Peace of Paris

discretion. Silk sash, crimson. Silver epaulettes. Scarlet velvet 1764.
stock and waist belts.

Trumpeters

White coats with scarlet lapels and lining ; lace, white with black edge ;
red waistcoats and breeches. Hats, cocked, with white plume.

Farriers

Blue coats, waistcoats, and breeches. Linings and lapels blue ; turn-up
of sleeves white. Hat, small black bearskin, with a horse-shoe of
silver-plated metal on a black ground. White apron rolled back on
left side.

Horse Furniture, — White cloth holster caps and housings bordered with
white, black-edged lace. xvii. l. d. embroidered on the housings
on a scarlet ground, within a wreath of roses and thistles. King's
cypher, with crown over it and xvii. l. d. under it embroidered on
the holster caps.

Officers had a silver tassel on the holster caps and at the corners
of the housings.

Quartermasters had the same furniture as the officers, but with
narrower lace, and without tassels to the holster caps.

Arms

Officers, — A pair of pistols with barrels 9 inches long. Sword (straight

or curved according to regimental pattern), blade 36 inches long.

A smaller sword, with 28-inch blade, worn in a waist belt, for foot

duty.
Men. — Sword and pistols, as the officers. Carbine, 2 feet 5 inches long

in the barrel. Bayonet, 12 inches long. Carbine and pistols of the

same bore. Cartridge-box to hold twenty-four rounds.

So much for the outward adornment and armament of the
men, to which we have only to add that trumpeters, to give them
further distinction, were mounted on white horses, and carried
a sword with a scimitar blade. Farriers, who were a peculiar
people in those days, were made as dusky as the trumpeters were
gorgeous. They carried two churns instead of holsters on their
saddles, wherein to stow their shoeing tools, etc., and black bear-
skin furniture with crossed hammer and pincers on the housing.
Their weapon was an axe, carried, like the men's swords, in a belt

History of the 1 7 th Lancers

1764- slung from the right shoulder. When the men drew swords, the
farriers drew axes and carried them at the " advance." The old
traditions of the original farrier still survive in the blue tunics,
black plumes, and axes of the farriers of the Life Guards, as well
as in the blue stable jackets of their brethren of the Dragoons.

Passing now from man to horse, we must note that from 27 th
July 1764 it was ordained that the horses of Horse and Dragoons
should in future wear their full tails, and that those of Light
Dragoons only should be docked.^ This was the first step towards
the reduction of the weight to be carried by the Light Dragoon
horse. The next was more practical. A saddle much lighter
than the old pattern was invented, approved, and adopted, with
excellent results. It was of rather peculiar construction : very
high in the pommel and cantle, and very deep sunk in the seat,
in order to give a man a steadier seat when firing from on horse-
back. Behind the saddle was a flat board or tray, on to which
the kit was strapped in a rather bulky bundle. It was reckoned
that this saddle, with blanket and kit complete, 30 lbs of hay and
5 pecks of oats, weighed just over 10 stone (141 lbs.); and that
the Dragoon with three days' rations, ammunition, etc., weighed
12 stone 7 lbs. more ; and that thus the total weight of a Dragoon
in heavy marching order with (roughly speaking) three days'
rations for man and horse, was 22 stone 8 lbs. In marching from
quarter to quarter in England, the utmost weight on a horse's
back was reckoned not to exceed 1 6 stone.

A few odd points remain to be noticed before the question of
saddlery is finally dismissed. In the first place, there was rather
an uncouth mixture of colours in the leather, which, though
designed to look well with the horse furniture, cannot have been
beautiful without it. Thus the head collar for ordinary occasions
was brown, but for reviews white ; bridoons were black, bits of
bright steel ; the saddle was brown, and the carbine bucket black.
These buckets were, of course, little more than leather caps five

^ They were said, when thiw docked, to have " hunter's tails " } hence, perhaps, the popular
identification of the Light Dragoon officer with the sportsman.

Reforms after the Peace of Paris

or six inches long, fitting over the muzzle of the carbine, practi- 1764-
cally the same as were served out to Her Majesty's Auxiliary
Cavalry less than twenty years ago. Light Dragoons, however, had
a swivel fitted to their shoulder-belt to which the carbine could be
sprung, and the weapon thus made more readily available. The
horse furniture of the men was not designed for ornament only; for,
being made in one piece, it served to cover the men when encamped
under canvas. As a last minute point, let it be noted that the
stirrups of the officers were square, and of the men round at the
top.

We must take notice next of a more significant reform,
namely, the abolition of side drums and drummers in the Light
Dragoons, and the substitution of trumpeters in their place. By
this change the Light Dragoons gained an accession of dignity,
and took equal rank with the horse of old days. The establish-
ment of trumpeters was, of course, one to each troop, making
six in all. When dismounted they formed a " band of music,"
consisting of two French horns, two clarionets, and two bassoons,
which, considering the difficulties and imperfections of those
instruments as they existed a century and a quarter ago, must have
produced some rather remarkable combinations of sound. None
the less we have here the germ of the regimental band, which
now enjoys so high a reputation.

Over and above the trumpeters, the regiment enjoyed the
possession of a fife, to whose music the men used to march. At
inspection the trumpets used to sound while the inspecting officer
went down the line ; and when the trumpeters could blow no
longer, the fife took up the wondrous tale and filled up the
interval with an ear-piercing solo. The old trumpet "marches"
are still heard (unless I am mistaken) when the Household
Cavalry relieve guard at Whitehall. But more important than
these parade trumpet sounds is the increased use of the trumpet
for signalling movements in the field. The original number of
trumpet-calls in the earliest days of the British cavalry was, as
has already been mentioned, but six. These six were apparently

History of the 17th Lancers

1764- still retained and made to serve for more purposes than one ; but
others also were added to them. And since, so far as we can
gather, the variety of calls on one instrument that could be played
and remembered was limited by human unskilfulness and human
stupidity, this difficulty was overcome by the employment of
other instruments. These last were the bugle horn and the
French horn ; the former the simple curved horn that is still
portrayed on the appointments of Light Infantry, the latter
the curved French hunting horn. The united effiDrts of trumpet,
bugle horn, and French horn availed to produce the following
sounds : —

Butte Sella)}
Monte Cavallo)}

? Tucquet)}

Auquet)}

? Tucquet)}

Stable call — Trumpet.

Boot and saddle — Trumpet.

Horse and away — Trumpet. But sometimes bugle
horn ; used also for evening stables.

March — Trumpet.

Water — Trumpet.

Setting watch or tattoo— Trumpet. Used also for
morning stables.

The call — Trumpet. Used for parade or assembly.

Repair to alarm post — Bugle horn.
Alia Standarda)} Standard call — Trumpet. Used for fetching and

lodging standards ; and also for drawing and re-
turning swords.

Preparative for firing — Trumpet.

Cease firing — Trumpet.

Form squadrons, form the line — Bugle horn.

Advance — Trumpet.

Charge or attack — Trumpet.

Retreat — French horns.

Trot, gallop, front form — Trumpet.

Rally — Bugle horn.

Non-commissioned officers' call — Trumpet.

The quick march on foot — The fife.

The slow march on foot — The band of music.

All attempts to discover the notation of these calls have, I
regret to say, proved fruitless, so that I am unable to state

[Cargo)}

^ Denotes one of the six original trumpet-calls.

Reforms after the Peace of Paris

poatively whether any of them continue in use at the present 1764.
day. The earliest musical notation of the trumpet sounds tha^ I
have been able to discover dates from the beginning of tpis
century,^ and is practically the same as that in the cavalry dnll-
book of 1894; so that it is not unreasonable to infer that the
sounds have been little altered since their first introduction.
Indeed, it seems to me highly probable that the old " Alia
Standarda," which is easily traceable back to the first quarter of
the seventeenth century, still survives in the flourish now played
after the general salute to an inspecting officer. As to the actual
employment of the three signalling instruments in the field, we
shall be able to judge better while treating of the next reform of
1 763-1 764, viz. that of the drill.

The first great change wrought by the experience of the
Seven Years' War on the English Light Dragoon drill was the
final abolition of the formation in three ranks. Henceforward
we shall never find the Seventeenth ranked more than two deep.
Further, we find a general tendency to less stiffness and greater
flexibility of movement, and to greater rapidity of manoeuvre. The
very evolutions sacrifice some of their prettiness and precision in
order to gain swifter change of formation. Thus, when the left half
rank is doubled in rear of the right, the right, instead of standing
fast, advances and inclines to the left, while the latter reins back
and passages to the right, thus accomplishing the desired result in
half the time. Field manoeuvres are carried out chiefly by means
of small flexible columns, differing from the present in one prin-
cipal feature only, viz. that the rear rank in 1763 does not
inseparably follow the ftont rank, but that each rank wheels
from line into column of half-ranks or quarter-ranks indepen-
dently. Moreover, we find one great principle pervading all field
movements : that Light Dragoons, for the dignity of their name,
must move with uncommon rapidity and smartness. The very
word " smart," as applied to the action of a soldier, appears, so
far as I know, for the first time in a drill-book made for Light

^ The calls were first authorised by regulation (so far as is known) in 1799*

History of the 17th Lancers

1764. Dragoons at this period. In illustration, let us briefly describe a
parade attack movement, which is particularly characteristic.

The regiment having been formed by previous manoeuvres in
echelon of wings (three troops to a wing) from the left, the word
is given, " Advance and gain the flank of the enemy."

First Trumpet, — The right files (of troops?) of each wing gallop to
the front, and form rank entire j unswivel their carbines, and keep up a
rapid irregular fire from the saddle.

Under cover of this fire the echelon advances.

Second Trumpet,— Tht right wing forms the " half-wedge " (single
echelon), passes the left or leading wing at an increased pace, and gains the
flank of the imaginary enemy by the " head to haunch" (an extremely
oblique form of incline), and forms line on the flank.

Third Trumpet — " Charge,^* — The skirmishers gallop back through the
intervals to the rear of their own troops, and remain there till the charge is
over.

French Horns — ^^ Retreat, ^^ — The skirmishers gallop forward once
more, and keep up their fire till the line is reformed.

The whole scheme of this attack is perhaps a shade theatrical,
and, indeed, may possibly have been designed to astonish the
weak mind of some gouty old infantry general ; but a regiment
that could execute it smartly could hardly have been in a very
inefficient state.

1765. In 1765 the Seventeenth was moved to Ireland, though to
what part of Ireland the gap in the muster-rolls disenables us to
say. Almost certainly it was split up into detachments, where we
have reason to believe that the troop officers took pains to teach
their men the new drill. We must conceive of the regiment's life
as best we may during this period, for we have no information to
help us. Colonel Blaquiere, we have no doubt, paid visits to the
outlying troops from time to time, and probably was able now and
again to get them together for work in the field, particularly when
an inspecting officer's visit was at hand. We know, from the
inspection returns, that the Seventeenth advanced and gained
the flank of the enemy every year, in a fashion which commanded

Reforms after the Peace of Paris

the admiration of all beholders. And let us note that in this very ^765.
year the British Parliament passed an Act for the imposition of
stamp duties on the American Colonies — preparing, though un-
consciously, future work on active service for the Seventeenth.

For the three ensuing years we find little that is worth the 1766.
chronicling, except that in 1766 the regiment suffered, for a brief
period, a further change in its nomenclature, the 15th, i6th, and
17th being renumbered the ist, 2nd, and 3rd Light Dragoons.
In this same year we discover, quite by chance, that two troops of
the Seventeenth were quartered in the Isle of Man, for how long
we know not. In 1767 a small matter crops up which throws a
curious light on the grievances of the soldier in those days.
Bread was so dear that Government was compelled to help the
men to pay for it, and to ordain that on payment of fivepence
every man should receive a six-pound loaf — which loaf was to last
him for four days. Let us note also, as a matter of interest to
Colonel Blaquiere, a rise in the value of another article, namely,
the troop horse, whereof the outside price was in this year raised
from twenty to twenty-two guineas.

In 1770 we find Colonel Hale promoted to be Governor of 1770.
Limerick, and therewith severed from the regiment which he had
raised. As his new post must presumably have brought him over
to Ireland, we may guess that the regiment may have had an
opportunity of giving him a farewell dinner, and, as was the
fashion in those days, of getting more than ordinarily drunk.
From this time forward we lose sight of Colonel Hale, though he
is still a young and vigorous man, and has thirty-three years of
life before him. His very name perishes from the regiment, for
if ever he had an idea of placing a son therein, that hope must
have been killed long before the arrival of his twenty-first child.
His successor in the colonelcy was Colonel George Preston of the
Scots Greys, a distinguished officer who had served at Dettingen,
Fontenoy, and other actions of the war of 1743-47, as well as in
the principal battles of the Seven Years' War.

Meanwhile, through all these years, the plot of the American

i
I

History of the 17th Lancers

1770. dispute was thickening fast. From 1773 onwards the news of
trouble and discontent across the Atlantic became more frequent ;
and at last in 1774 seven infantry regiments were despatched to
Boston. Then probably the Seventeenth pricked up its ears and
discussed, with the lightest of hearts, the prospect of fighting the

1775. rebels over the water. The year 1775 had hardly come in when
the order arrived for the regiment to complete its establishment
with drafts from the 12th and i8th, and hold itself in readiness to
embark at Cork for the port of Boston. It was the first cavalry
regiment selected for the service — a pretty good proof of its
reputation for efficiency.^

^ These are fragments of some of the inspection 'reports : — 1770, "A very good regiment.'*
177 1, "A very fine regiment, and appears perfectly fit for service. Must have had great care taken
of it." i77», " In every respect a fine regiment and fit for service." 1773, "This regiment is an
extreme pretty one and in good order." 1774, " This regiment is in great order and fit for service.**

CHAPTER IV

THE AMERICAN WAR 1ST STAGE THE NORTHERN

CAMPAIGN, I775-I78O.

It would be beside the purpose to enter upon a relation of the 1775.
causes which led to the rupture between England and the thirteen
North American Colonies, and to the war of American Independ-
ence. The immediate ground of dispute was, however, one in
which the Army was specially interested, namely, the question of
Imperial defence. Fifteen years before the outbreak of the
American War England had, by the conquest of Canada, relieved
the Colonies from the presence of a dangerous neighbour on their
northern frontier, and for this good service she felt justified in
asking from them some return. Unfortunately, however, the
British Government, instead of leaving it to the Colonies to deter-
mine in what manner their contribution to the cost of Imperial
defence should be raised, took the settlement of the question into
its own hands, as a matter wherein its authority was paramount.
Ultimately by a series of lamentable blunders the British ministers
contrived to create such* irritation in Ahierica that the Colonies
broke into open revolt.

It was in the year 1774 that American discontent reached its 1774.
acutest stage ; and the centre of that discontent was the city of
Boston. In July General Gage, at that time in command of the
forces in America, and later on to be Colonel-in-Chief of the 1 7th
Light Dragoons, feeling that the security of Boston was now
seriously threatened by the rebellious attitude of the citizens,
moved down with some troops and occupied the neck of the

History of the 17 th Lancers

1774- isthmus on which the city stands. This step increased the irrita-
tion of the people so far that in a month or two he judged it
prudent to entrench his position and remove all military stores
from outlying stations into Boston. By November the temper of
the Colonists had become so unmistakably insubordinate that
Gage issued a proclamation warning them against the consequences
of revolt. This manifesto was taken in efFect as a final signal for
general and open insurrection. Rhode Island and New Hamp-
shire broke out at once ; and the Americans began their military
preparations by seizing British guns, stores, and ammunition
1775. wherever they could get hold of them. By the opening of 1775
the seizure, purchase, and collection of arms became so general
that Gage took alarm for the safety of a large magazine at Con-
cord, some twenty miles from Boston, and detached a force to
secure it. This expedition it was that led to the first shedding of
blood. The British troops succeeded in reaching Concord and
destroying the stores ; but they had to fight their way back to
Boston through the whole population of the district, and finally
arrived, worn out with fatigue, having lost 240 men, killed,
19th April, wounded, and missing, out of 1800. The Americans then sud-
denly assembled a force of 20,000 men and closely invested
Boston.-

It was just about this time that there arrived in Boston Cap-
tain Oliver Delancey, of the 1 7th Light Dragoons, with despatches
announcing that reinforcements would shortly arrive from Eng-
land under the command of Generals Howe and Clinton. Captain
Delancey was charged with the duty of preparing for the reception
of his regiment, and in particular of purchasing horses whereon to
mount it. Two days after his arrival, therefore, he started for
New York to buy horses, only to find at his journey's end that
New York also had risen in insurrection, and that there was
nothing for it but to return to Boston.

And while Delancey was making his arrangements, the Seven-
teenth was on its way to join him. The 12th and i8th Regiments
had furnished the drafts required of them, and the Seventeenth,

The American War — First Stage

thus r^sed to some semblance of war strength, embarked for 1775-
its first turn on active service. Here is a digest of their final
muster, dated, Passage, loth April 1775, and endorsed "Em- loth April.
barkation " —

Liiutenant'ColoneL — Samuel Birch.

Major. — Henry Bishop.

Adjutant. — John St. Clair, Cornet.

Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston.

Surgeon^s mate. — Alexander Acheson.

Deputy-Chaplain. — ^W. Oliver.

Major Bishopp^s Troop.

Robert Archdale, Captain. Frederick Metzer, Cornet.
I Quartermaster, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, i trumpeter, 29 dragoons,

31 horses.

Captain Strauhenzee*s Troop.

Henry Nettles, Lieutenant. Sam. Baggot, Cornet.
5 Non-commissioned officers, i trumpeter, 26 dragoons, 31 horses.

Captain MoxhanCs Troop.

Ben. Bunbury, Lieutenant. Thomas Cooke, Comet.
5 Non-commissioned officers, i trumpeter, 26 dragoons, 31 horses.

Captain Delancey^s Troop.

Hamlet Obins, Lieutenant. James Hussey, Cornet.
5 Non-commissioned officers, i trumpeter, i hautboy, 27 dragoons,

31 horses.

Captain NeedhanCs Troop.

Mark Kerr, Lieutenant. Will. Loftus, Cornet.
5 Non-commissioned officers, i trumpeter, 26 dragoons, 31 horses.

Captain Crewels Troop.

Matthew Patteshall, Lieutenant. John St. Clair (Adjutant), Cornet.
5 Non-commissioned officers, i trumpeter, i hautboy, 26 dragoons,

31 horses.

33 D

History of the 17 th Lancers

'775- What manner of scenes there may have been at the embarka-
tion that day at Cork it is impossible to conjecture. We can
only bear in mind that there were a great many Irishmen in the
ranks, and that probably all their relations came to see them ofF,
) and draw what mental picture we may. Meanwhile it is worth

[ while to compare two embarkations of the regiment on active

' service, at roughly speaking, a century's interval. In 1879 the

Seventeenth with its horses sailed to the Cape in two hired
I transports — the England and the France. In 1776 it filled no

fewer than seven ships, the deny Satisfaction^ John and Jane^

Charming Polly^ John and Rebecca^ Love and Charity^ Henry

I and Edward — whereof the very names suflSce to show that they

were decidedly small craft.

The voyage across the Atlantic occupied two whole months,
but, like all things, it came to an end ; and the regiment dis-
junc 15-19. embarked at Boston just in time to volunteer its services for
the first serious action of the war. That action was brought
about in this way. Over against Boston, and divided from it by
a river of about the breadth of the Thames at London Bridge,
is a peninsula called Charlestown. It occurred, rather late in the
day, to General Gage that an eminence thereupon called Bunker's
Hill was a position that ought to be occupied, inasmuch as it lay
within cannon-shot of Boston and commanded the whole of the
town. Unfortunately, precisely the same idea had occurred to
the Americans, who on the i6th June seized the hill, unobserved
by Gage, and proceeded to entrench it. By hard work and the
aid of professional engineers they soon made Bunker's Hill into
a formidable position ; so that Gage, on the following day, found
that his task was not that of marching to an unoccupied height,
but of attacking an enemy 6000 strong in a well-fortified post.
None the less he attacked the 6000 Americans with 2000
English, and drove them out at the bayonet's point after the
bloodiest engagement thitherto fought by the British army.
Of the 2boo men 1054, including 89 oflScers, went down that
day ; and the British occupied the Charlestown peninsula.

The American War — First Stage

The acquisition was welcome, for the army was sadly crowded 1775-
in Boston and needed more space ; but the enemy soon erected
new works which penned it up as closely as ever. Moreover the
Americans refused to supply the British with fresh provisions,
so that the latter — what with salt food, confinement, and the heat
of the climate — soon became sickly. The Seventeenth were driven
to their wit's end to obtain forage for their horses. It was but a
poor exchange alike for animals and men to forsake the ships
for a besieged city. The summer passed away and the winter
came on. The Americans pressed the British garrison more
hardly than ever through the winter months, and finally, on the 1776.
2nd March 1776, opened a bombardment which fairly drove
the English out. On the 17th March Boston was evacuated,
and the army, 9000 strong, withdrawn by sea to Halifax.

However mortifying it might be to British sentiment, this
evacuation was decidedly a wise and prudent step ; indeed, but
for the determination of King George III. to punish the
recalcitrant Boston, it is probable that it would have taken
place long before, for it was recommended both by Gage, who
resigned his command in August 1775, and by his successor.
General Howe. They both saw clearly enough that, as England
held command of the sea, her true policy was to occupy the line
of the Hudson River from New York in the south to Lake
Champlain in the north. Thereby she could isolate from the
rest the seven provinces of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massa-
chusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine, and reduce
them at her leisure ; which process would be the easier, inasmuch
as these provinces depended almost entirely on the States west
of the Hudson for their supplies. The Americans, being equally
well aware of this, and having already possession of New York,
took the bold line of attempting to capture Canada while the
English were frittering their strength away at Boston. And
they were within an ace of success. As early as May 1775 ^^7
captured Ticonderoga and the only King's ship in Lake
Champlain, and in November they obtained possession of

History of the 17 th Lancers

1776. Chambly, St. John's, and Montreal. Fortunately Quebec still
held out, though reduced to great straits, and saved Canada
to England. On the 31st December the little garrison gallantly
repelled an American assault, and shortly after it was relieved
by the arrival of a British squadron which made its way through
the ice with reinforcements of 3500 men under General
Burgoyne. This decided the fate of Canada, from which the
Americans were finally driven out in June 1776.

One other small incident requires notice before we pass to
the operations of Howe's army (whereof the Seventeenth formed
part) in the campaign of 1776. Very early in the day Governor
Martin of North Carolina had recommended the despatch of a
flying column or small force to the Carolinas, there to rally
around it the loyalists, who were said to be many, and create
a powerful diversion in England's favour. Accordingly in
December 1775, ^^^ infantry regiments under Lord Cornwallis
were despatched fi-om England to Cape Fear, whither General
Clinton was sent by Howe to meet them and take command.
An attack on Charleston by this expedition proved to be a total
failure ; and on the 21st June 1776, Clinton withdrew the force
to New York. This episode deserves mention, because it shows
how early the British Government was bitten with this plan of a
Carolina campaign, which was destined to cost us the possession
of the American Colonies. Three times in the course of this
history shall we see English statesmen make the fatal mistake
of sending a weak force to a hostile country in reliance on the
support of a section of disaffected inhabitants, and each time
(as fate ordained it) we shall find the Seventeenth among the
regiments that paid the inevitable penalty. From this brief
digression let us now return to the army under General Howe.

While the bulk of this force was quartered at Halifax, the
Seventeenth lay, for convenience of obtaining forage, at Windsor,
some miles away. In June the i6th Light Dragoons arrived
at Halifax from England with remounts for the regiment ;
but it is questionable whether they had any horses to spare, for

The American War — First Stage

we find that out of 950 horses 412 perished oh the voyage. 1776.
About the same time arrived orders for the increase of the
Seventeenth by i cornet, i sergeant, 2 corporals, and 30 privates
per troop ; but the necessary recruits had not been received by
the time when the campaign opened. On the nth June the rai-
ment, with the rest of Howe's army, was once more embarked
at Halifax and reached Sandy Hook on the 29th. Howe then
landed his force on Staten Island, and awaited the arrival of
his brother. Admiral Lord Howe, who duly appeared with a
squadron and reinforcements on the ist July. Clinton with his
troops from Charleston arrived on the ist August, and further
reinforcements from England on the 12th. Howe had now
30,000 men, 12,000 of them Hessians, under his command in
America, two-thirds of whom were actually on the spot around
New York.

Active operations were opened on the 22nd August, by the
landing of the whole army in Gravesend Bay at the extreme
south-west corner of Long Island. The American army, 15,000
strong, occupied a position on the peninsula to the north-west,
where Brooklyn now stands — its left resting on the East River,
its right on a stream called Mill Creek, and its front covered
as usual by a strong line of entrenchments. From this fortified
camp, however, they detached General Putnam with 10,000 men
to take up a position about a mile distant on a line of heights
that runs obliquely across the island. After a reconnaissance
by Generals Clinton and Erskine, the latter of whom led the
brigade to which the Seventeenth was attached. General Howe
decided to turn the left flank of the Americans with part of his
force, leaving the rest to attack their front as soon as the turning
movement was completed. At 9 p.m. on the 26th August the
turning column, under the command of Howe himself, marched
across the flat ground to seize a pass on the extreme left of the
enemy's line, the Seventeenth forming the advanced guard. On
reaching the pass it was found that the Americans had neglected
to secure it, being content to visit it with occasional cavalry

History of the 1 7 th Lancers

1776. patrols. One such patrol was intercepted by the advanced party
of the Seventeenth; and the pass was occupied by the British with-
out giving alarm to the Americans. At nine next morning,
Howe's column having completely enveloped Putnam's left,
opened the attack on that quarter, while the rest of the army
advanced upon the centre and right. The Americans were
defeated at all points and driven in confusion to their entrench-
ments ; but Howe made no efFort to pursue them nor to storm
the camp, as he might easily have done. He merely moved
feebly up to the enemy's entrenchments on the following day, and
began to break ground as if for a regular siege. On the 29th
the Americans evacuated the camp, and retired across the East
River to New York ; and this they were allowed to do without
hindrance, though the British army of 20,000 men stood on
their front, and a navigable river, where a British seventy-four
could have anchored, lay in their rear. Thus deliberately were
sacrificed the fruits of the battle of Brooklyn. This was
the first action in which the Seventeenth was under fire. The
regiment at its close received the thanks of Generals Erskine
and Clinton.

The possession of Long Island gave the British complete
command of New York by sea ; and Howe set himself to
transport his army to New York Island, an operation which
was completed on the 15th September. The Americans then
evacuated New York town and retired to the northern extremity
of New York Island, where Washington fortified a position from
Haarlem to Kingsbridge along the Hudson River in order to
secure his retreat across it to the mainland. The English war-
ships now moved up the Hudson to cut ofF that retreat ; and
Howe having left four brigades to cover New York town,

izth Oct. embarked the rest on flat-bottomed boats to turn Washington's
position. The flotilla passed through Hell Gate; and Howe

1 8th Oct. having wasted a deal of time in disembarking the troops first
at the wrong place, landed them finally at Pell's Point, the
corner which divides East River from Long Island Sound, and

The American War — First Stage

forms the extreme point of the spit of continent that runs down 1776.
to New York Island. The advanced parties of the Seventeenth
were engaged in a trifling skirmish at Pelham Manor, a little to
the north of Pell's Point, shortly after disembarkation ; but the
British advance was practically unopposed, and the army was
concentrated at New Rochelle, on Long Island Sound, on the
2 1 St October. Washington now changed front, throwing his
left back, and distributed his army along a line parallel to the
march of the British ; his right resting at Kingsbridge on the
south, and his left at Whiteplains on the north. The two armies
were separated by a deep river called the Bronx, which covered
the whole of Washington's front. Howe continued his march
northward, doubtless with the intention of getting between
Washington and the mainland ; but Washington had already
sent parties to entrench a new position for him at Whiteplains,
to which he moved on the 26th October. This change of
position brought the Americans from the left flank to the front
of the British advance, and it was plain that an action was
imminent. On the 28th, Howe's army, advancing in two
columns, came up with the Americans, and found them to be
some 18,000 strong. The right of Washington's main position
rested on the Bronx River ; but for some reason a detached force
of 4000 men had been posted on a hill on the other side of the
river, which detachment, owing to the depth and difliculty of
the stream, was necessarily cut ofi^ from the rest of the line.
Howe decided to attack this isolated body at once. The Seven-
teenth being detailed as part of the attacking force, moved ofi^ to
a practicable ford, the passage of which was carried in the face of
heavy fire; and the infantry then advancing drove the enemy
brilliantly from their entrenchments, from whence the Seven-
teenth pursued them towards the main position at Whiteplains.
The regiment lost one man and five horses killed. Cornet
Loftus, four men and eight horses wounded, in this action ;
which unfortunately led to no result. On the 30th August a
general attack on the American entrenchments was ordered, but

History of the 17 th Lancers

1776. was countermanded in consequence of a tremendous storm of
rain ; and on the ist September the Americans quietly retired
northward across the river Croton, on which they took up a
position from which it was . hopeless to attempt to dislodge
them.

However, there was still an American garrison of 3000 men,
which had been left by Washington in his entrenchments at
Kingsbridge to hold the passage of the Hudson ; and of these
Howe determined to make sure. His attack was delivered by
four columns simultaneously. The third of these crossed the
Haarlem Creek in boats under a heavy fire, and by the capture
of a strong post at the other side turned the left of the American
position. The ground was unfavourable for cavalry, however ;
and the Seventeenth, which was attached to this column, lost but
one man. The result of the whole operation was the surrender
of the Americans, which was bought with the loss of 800 British
killed and wounded.

Three days later Lord Cornwallis crossed the Hudson with
4000 men, and marched against the American fort which com-
manded the passage of the river from the Jersey side. The
Americans promptly evacuated it and retreated, with Cornwallis
at their heels in hot pursuit. He was on the point of over-
taking them and striking a severe blow, when he received orders
fi-om General Howe to halt — orders which he very reluctantly
obeyed. A party of the Seventeenth, probably a sergeant's party
for orderly duties, seems to have accompanied Cornwallis on this
march, and through the gallant behaviour of one of the men has
made itself remembered.

One day Private M*Mullins, of this detachment, was de-
spatched by Lord Cornwallis with a letter of some importance to
an officer of one of the outposts, and while passing near a thicket
on his way was fired at by the rebels. He instantly pretended
to fall from his horse, hanging with head down to the ground.
The Americans, four in number, supposing him killed, ran out
from their cover to seize their booty, and had come within a few

The American War — First Stage

yards of him, when, to their great astonishment. Private M^Mullins 1776.
suddenly recovered his seat in the saddle and shot the first of
them dead with his carbine. He then drew his pistol and
despatched a second, and immediately after fell with his sword
upon the other two, who surrendered as his prisoners. Where-
upon Private M*Mullins drove them triumphantly before him
into camp, where he duly delivered them up. Lord Cornwallis
did not fail to report such bravery to General Howe, who in his
turn not only promoted M*Mullins to be sergeant, but brought
the exploit before the notice of the King. As all Light Dragoons
of whatever regiment felt pride in their comrades, the story of
Private M'Mullins found its way into the standard contemporary
work on that branch of the service, and remains there embalmed
to this day. Let it be noted that this feat of leaning out of the
saddle almost to the ground is treated as one which *' all Light
Dragoons accomplished with the greatest ease." We should
probably never have known this but for Private M'MuUins of
the Seventeenth.

With the recall of Cornwallis from New Jersey the campaign
of 1776 came to an end. Since the American evacuation of
New York, Howe had captured 4500 prisoners and 1 50 guns ; but
he had also thrice let slip the opportunity of capturing the whole
American army. One further operation was insisted upon by the
Admiral, namely, the capture of Rhode Island, which was effected ^^ ^^•
without loss by a small force under General Clinton. One troop
of the Seventeenth accompanied Clinton on this expedition, and
remained at Rhode Island for the next twelve months.

The rest of the Seventeenth went into winter quarters in New
York, the total strength of the regiment at the close of the cam-
paign being 225 men. Though its casualties had been light, it
had done a good deal of hard work and established for itself a
reputation. Howe himself testifies in his despatches to "the
good service they have performed in this campaign," and adds
that " the dread which the enemy have of the Dragoons has been
experienced on every occasion." It is a significant indication of

History of the 17th Lancers

1777. the nature of their work, that Howe begs for remounts of Irish
horses for them, as being " hardier and better accustomed to get
over fences."

The rest of the army in the winter of 1776-77 was split up
into detachments, and scattered along an extended line from the
Delaware to New York. The Americans fully expected Howe
to cross the Delaware as soon as the ice permitted and attack
Philadelphia, but Howe as usual did nothing. He might have
destroyed the American army without difficulty ; but so far fi-om
attempting it, he allowed Washington with an inferior force to
cut off two detached posts and do a great deal of damage.

Howe's operations in the campaign of 1777 were little more
satisfactory. After making every preparation to cross the
Delaware and advance into Pennsylvania he brought back the
army to New York, and embarked for the Chesapeake in order
to approach Philadelphia from that side. In September he won
the battle of Brandywine, and took possession of Philadelphia
on the 26th. This occupation of Philadelphia was the sole
result of the campaign ; and it was, in fact, a political rather than
a military enterprise, the object being to overawe the American
Congress. It was a fatal mistake, for while Howe was wasting
his time in Pennsylvania, Burgoyne was moving down from
Canada to open the line of the Hudson from the north, in the
hope of co-operation from Howe's army in the south. No such
co-operation was forthcoming. Howe's army was engaged else-
where ; Clinton, though, as will be seen, he did make on his own
responsibility a slight diversion on the Hudson, yet dared not
weaken the garrison of New York. The result was that
16th Oct. Burgoyne with his whole force of 7000 men was overpowered
and compelled to surrender at Saratoga.

The Seventeenth being left in garrison at New York, of course
took no share in Howe's operations. The fact was that in
November 1776 it received some 200 recruits and 100 fresh
horses from England, so that its time must have been fully
occupied in the task of knocking these into shape. Nevertheless

The American War — First Stage

small detachments of the raiment were employed in two little 1777-
affairs which must be related here.

The Americans, after retreating across the Croton in 1776,
had formed large magazines on the borders of Connecticut, at
the town of Danbury and elsewhere. These magazines General
Clinton judged that it would be well to destroy. Accordingly,
on the 25th April, 2000 men, drafted from different regiments,
including twelve from the Seventeenth for the needful reconnais-
sance and patrol duties, embarked on transports and sailed up Long
Island Sound to Camp's Point, where they landed. At ten that
night they marched, and at eight next morning they reached
Danbury, to the great surprise of the Americans, who evacuated
the town with all speed. The British, having destroyed the whole
of the stores, prepared to return to their ships, but found that
the Americans had assembled at a place called Ridgefield, and had
there entrenched themselves to bar the British line of march.
Weary as they were after twenty-four hours' work, the English
soldiers attacked and carried the entrenchments; and then, as
night came on, they lay on their arms, prepared to fight at any
moment. At daybreak they continued their .ijiarch, and were
again attacked by the Americans, who had received reinforce-
ments during the night. Still they fought their way on .till
within half a mile of their ships, when General Erskine, losing
all patience, collected 400 men, and taking the offensive at last
beat the enemy off. The men had had no rest for three days
and three nights, and were fairly worn out ; but we may guess
that the little detachment of the Seventeenth was not the last to
answer to the call of its Brigadier. This expedition cost the
British 15 officers and 153 men;

The second of the two aflkirs to which we have alluded was
an expedition made by Clinton as a diversion to help Burgoyne,
and was directed against two American forts on the right bank
of the Hudson, which barred the passage of the British war-ships
to Albany ; Albany being the point to which Burgoyne hoped to
penetrate. A force of 3000 men, including one troop of the

History of the 17th Lancers

1777. Seventeenth, embarked on the 5th October and sailed up the
Hudson to Verplanks Point, forty miles from New York, on the
east bank of the river. Here Clinton landed a portion of his
force under the fire of a small American field-work, drove out the
enemy, and pursued them for some little way. This feint pro-
duced the desired effect. The American general of the district
at once concluded that Clinton meant to advance to meet
Burgoyne on the east bank of the Hudson, and hurried away
with most of the garrison of the river ports to occupy the
passes on the roads. Clinton meanwhile quietly embarked two-
6th Oct. thirds of his force on the following morning, leaving the re-
mainder to hold Verplanks, and landed them on the opposite
bank. Thence he advanced over a very steep mountain, along
very bad roads, to attack two important posts. Forts Clinton and
Montgomery, from the rear. Though Fort Clinton, the lower of
the two, was but twelve miles distant, it was not reached before
sunset, owing to the diflficulties of the march. Opposite Fort
Clinton the force divided into two columns, one of them standing
fast, while the other made a detour to reach Fort Montgomery
unobserved — the design being to attack both posts, which were
only three-quarters of a mile apart, simultaneously. The upper
post. Fort Montgomery, was easily captured, being at once
abandoned by its garrison of 800 men. Fort Clinton, however,
was a more diflSicult matter, the only possible approach to it being
over a plain covered with four hundred yards of abattis, and com-
manded by ten guns. The British, though they had not a single
gun, advanced under a heavy fiire, pushed each other through the
embrasures, and, in spite of a gallant resistance on the part
of the Americans, drove them out of the fort. The American
loss was 300 killed, wounded, and prisoners ; the British loss,
140 killed and wounded. Having destroyed the American
shipping and some other batteries farther up the river, Clinton's
little expedition returned to New York. The troop of the Seven-
teenth formed part of the column that stormed Fort Clinton —
a service which, if the original plan of campaign had been

The American War — First Stage

adhered to, would have been one of the most valuable in the 1777.
war.

With this the campaign of 1777 came to an end, decidedly
to the disadvantage of the British, who had lost the whole of
Burgoyne's division and gained nothing but Philadelphia. The
winter of 1777-78 the British army spent in the city of Phila-
delphia, where it was kept inactive, and allowed to grow slack in
discipline and efficiency ; and this although Washington lay for five
whole months but 26 miles distant, at Valley Forge — his position
weak, his guns fi-ozen into the entrenchments, his army worn to a
shadow by sickness and desertion, and absolutely destitute of
clothing, stores, and equipment. Howe had 14,000 men, and
Washington a bare 40(30, yet for the fourth time Howe allowed
him to escape ; and this time inaction was fatal, for the new year
was to bring with it an event which changed the whole aspect and
conduct of operations.

In February 1778 the French Government, still smarting 1778.
under the loss of Canada, concluded a treaty of defensive alliance
with the young American Republic, and despatched a fleet under
D'Estaing to operate on the American coast. The British
Government no sooner heard the news than it sent instructions for
the army to evacuate Philadelphia and retire to New York, from
whence half of it was to be forthwith despatched to attack the
French possessions in the West Indies. The burden of this duty
fell, not upon Howe, to whom it would have been a just retribu-
tion, but upon Clinton, who succeeded to the command on
Howe's resignation in the spring of 1778.

During the winter the Seventeenth had been moved down
from New York to join the main army at Philadelphia, where, in
March 1778, we find them reduced to a nominal total of 363
men, of whom no fewer than 67 were in hospital, and 162 horses.
Fortunately for its own sake the regiment was busily employed
during the spring in the duty of opening communications and
bringing in supplies, by which it was prepared for the heavy work
that lay before it. On the 3rd of May a strong detachment of the

History of the 17th Lancers

1778. Seventeenth formed part of a mixed force of 1000 men which was
sent out to reduce a hostile post at Crooked Billet, seventeen miles
from Philadelphia. The business was neatly managed, for the
British, with trifling loss, killed, wounded, or captured 1 50 of the
Americans, and, thanks to the Seventeenth, took the whole of their
baggage. Three weeks later the regiment was again employed
in a small expedition against 3000 Americans, who had been
posted by Washington in an advanced and isolated position at
Barren Hill under the command of Marquis Lafayette. This
time the affeir was sadly bungled, and the Americans, who should
have been captured in a body, would have got off scot free but
for a dash made on the rear-guard by the Light Dragoons, wherein
40 or 50 American prisoners were taken.

By constant excursions of this kind, on a larger or smaller
scale, the regiment was prepared for the very arduous duty that
lay before it. On the i8th June, at 3 a.m., the evacuation
of Philadelphia was begun, and by 10 a.m. the whole British
army had crossed the Delaware at the point of its junction with
the Schuylkill. It then advanced up the left bank, on a road
running parallel to the river, as far as Cornell's Ferry, where it
left the line of the Delaware and turned off on the road to Sandy
Hook. Up to the 27th June the British, though constantly
watched by small parties of the enemy, were allowed to pursue
their march through this diflSicult country without molestation ;
but on that day an advanced corps of 5000 Americans appeared
close in rear, with the main army of Washington but three miles
behind it, while other smaller bodies came up on each flank. On
28th June, the 28th, Clinton, expecting an attack, divided his army into two
parts, the first of which he sent off at daybreak in charge of the
baggage (which was so abundant that the column was twelve
miles long), leading off the second, under his personal command,
at 8 A.M. The Seventeenth was attached to the baggage column,
and must have marched with it for some eight or nine hours,
when it was hurriedly sent for to join the rear-guard under
General Clinton. The rear column had just come down from the

The American War — First Stage

high ground into a pl^n about three miles long by one mile 1778.
wide, when the Americans appeared in force in the rear and on
both flanks. Their first attempt was made on the right flank,
and was likely to have been serious, had it not been checked, to
use Clinton's words, by the resolute bearing and firm front of the
Seventeenth. The Americans had not lost their respect for the
Light Dragoons. From that point the regiment was swiftly moved
to others ; and the general impression left on the mind by Clinton's
rather confused description is, that the Seventeenth were kept
manoeuvring round the column, frequently under Clinton's imme-
diate direction, wherever the Americans threatened most danger.
The 1 6th Light Dragoons, more fortunate than the Seventeenth,
had a chance of charging the American cavalry, and made
admirable use of it ; but they lost a great number of horses,

•

which was a serious matter considering the weakness of the
British mounted force. Finally Clinton made his dispositions for
a pitched battle in the plain ; but the Americans knew better
than to accept it, and retired to the hills from which they had
originally come down. Clinton thereupon attacked them with
the infantry and drove them back. They retreated to a second
position. Again Clinton attacked, and after hard fighting forced
them out. They then fell back on a third position, where,
Clinton feeling by this time assured of the safety of his baggage,
thought best to leave them. And so ended the very hard day's
work which takes its name fi-om the heights of Freehold, at the
foot whereof the combat was fought. So terrible was the heat
in the confinement of the valley that fifty-nine of the infantry
dropped dead while advancing to the attack. The total loss on
the English side was 358 men. The Seventeenth had no casualties,
though Clinton's testimony shows that they did good work.
The Americans lost 361 men, and from that day abandoned
the pursuit, having had for the present enough of it. Clinton,
therefore, made the rest of his way untroubled to Sandy Hook,
and on the 5th July embarked his army for New York. A flying
•expedition to Rhode Island, which arrived too late to catch

History of the 17th Lancers

1778. the French force that had threatened it, and a successful
inroad into Georgia in the south, brought the campaign of 1778
to a close.

In November, Clinton, in obedience to his orders, sent away
half of his army to England and the West Indies. He was so
sensible of the injury inflicted on his forces by the loss of some
of his best troops, that he begged to be allowed to resign his
command, and required some pressure to induce him to retain
it. His diflSiculties were great enough, for everything was going
wrong in New York. In December there was not a fortnight's
flour in store, and not a penny in the military chest. The
clothing provided for the men proved to be bad, and was
condemned right and left by their oflSicers. " The linen is coarse
and thin, and unfit for soldiers' shirts, the stockings of so flimsy
a texture as to be of little service, and the shoes of the worst
kind." One consignment of shoes was found to consist of " thin
dancing pumps," and even these too small for the men to wear.
Moreover the Government in England, which had always given
Howe a free hand, thought it right to tie down Clinton, who was
far the better man, with every kind of order. " For God's sake,
my Lord," the General wrote at last, " if you wish me to do
anything leave me to myself."

Such was the state of things when the Seventeenth went into
their winter quarters at Hampstead, Long Island, in 1778. It was
now the only British cavalry corps on the American Continent,
the 1 6th having gone home, leaving all its horses and a certain
number of men with the sister regiment. Though its numbers
were thus raised to 414 men, we shall not again find it in the
field entire during the remainder of the war. From this winter
onward the scene of the main contest shifts from the north to the
south, and we shall find the Seventeenth divided between these
two points of the compass.

CHAPTER V

THE AMERICAN WAR 2ND STAGE THE SOUTHERN

CAMPAIGN, I78O-I782

The alliance of France with the revolted provinces having 1780.
compelled the British Government to reduce General Clinton's
army by one-half, this loss was supplemented by the enlistment
of volunteers from the loyal party in America itself, and by
the organisation of corps of irregulars. One such corps, con-
sisting partly of cavalry and partly of infantry, was commanded
by Captain Lord Cathcart of the Seventeenth, and another, known
as the King's American Dragoons, received an Adjutant from the
regiment. But the corps with which the name of the Seven-
teenth was inseparably connected was the so-called " Legion "
commanded by Colonel Banastre Tarleton. To this last a small
party of the Seventeenth seems to have been permanently attached,
probably as a pattern for the guidance of the provincial recruits.
But in addition to these a troop of the regiment under its own
officers was frequently joined to it, which though in contemporary
accounts generally included in the term " Cavalry of the legion,"
was distinct from it and careful to preserve its individuality.

With the change in the composition of the army came
simultaneously a change in the plan of campaign, by a return
to the scheme, already tried once at the outbreak of the war,
of an expedition to the Carolinas ; where it was hoped that the
loyalists were numerous and ready to rally round the army.
The plan was to scour the country with flying columns, which
would serve at once to hearten good subjects and overawe the

49 E

History of the 17th JLancers

1780. disaffected. For such operations Charleston was required as a
base, and it was to preparations for the reduction of Charleston that
most of Clinton's energies were devoted in the summer of 1779.
An accession of strength was gained by the evacuation of Rhode
Island in October, and finally, on the 26th December, Clinton sailed
with a portion of his army on this expedition to the South.
One troop of the Seventeenth, sixty strong, accompanied him.

Bad luck dogged this enterprise from the first. The transports
were overtaken by a storm and dispersed in all directions. All
the cavalry horses perished, and one ship containing siege artillery
was lost. It was not till the end of January that the ships, many
of them badly battered, appeared at the appointed rendezvous,
the Island of Tybee, off the coast of Georgia, having spent five
weeks over a voyage generally reckoned to last ten days. The
troop of the Seventeenth was sent with Tarleton's legion to Port
Royal, a little to the north of Savannah, where it was landed and
quartered at Beaufort, at the head of the harbour. With great
difficulty it procured forty or fifty inferior horses ; and after
a time was ordered to join some reinforcements that were
marching up from Savannah, and advance up country with them
to unite with Clinton's army before Charleston. Meanwhile
the people of the country, knowing that the British had lost
their horses, equipped themselves as cavalry to harass the column
on the march. Nothing could have suited Tarleton better.
A charge by the troop of the Seventeenth sufficed to disperse these
irregular horsemen, and ensure the capture not only of several
prisoners, but, better still, of their horses. After twelve days'
march through a difficult country broken up by flooded rivers,
and in the thick of a hostile population, the legion arrived at its
destination on the Ashley with its strength in horses multiplied
by four or five, and a good supply of forage to boot.

Meanwhile General Clinton with the rest of the army had
sailed to the river E^isto, a little to the south of Charleston,
and advanced thence by slow marches upon the town. Charleston
lies on a tongue of land which runs, roughly speaking, from north

The American War — Second Stage

to south, being enclosed between the Cooper River on the east 1780.
and the Ashley on the west. The British fleet having moved up
to blockade it to the south or seaward, Clinton on the 30th
March threw his army across the Ashley to the neck of the
isthmus on which the town stands, and encamped over against
the American entrenchments. As usual these were formidable
enough, stretching across the isthmus from the Ashley to the
Cooper, and strengthened by a deep canal, two rows of abattis,
and other obstacles. Over and above the garrison of 6000 men
within the town, the Americans kept a force of militia and three
regiments of cavalry, under General Huger, on the upper forks
and passes of the Cooper, whereby the communications between
the town and the back country were kept open. The dislodg-
ment of this corps of Huger's was therefore indispensable to the
complete investment of Charleston ; and the execution of this
task was intrusted to a picked force of 1400 men, including
Tarleton's legion and the detachment of the Seventeenth.

On the 1 2th April, therefore, Tarleton moved off to Goose
Creek on his way to Monk's Corner, thirty miles from Charleston,
where there lay the American post that held Biggin's Bridge over
the Cooper. Knowing that the enemy was superior to him in
cavalry, he had determined to make a night attack, and he had
the good fortune on the way to pick up a negro who acquainted
him with the enemy's dispositions. Learning from this source
that the American force was divided, the cavalry being on his
own side of the river and the infantry on the other, he pushed
on through the night, and at 3 a.m. surprised the main guard
of the cavalry. Galloping hard on the backs of the fugitives
he dashed straight into the camp, dispersed the far superior force
that lay there, and captured 150 prisoners, 400 horses, and 50
ammunition waggons. The bridge being thus uncovered he at
once ordered his infantry across it ag^dnst the American post
on the other side ; and this having been captured, detached a
force to seize Bowman's Ferry, which commanded another branch
of the Cooper. This was promptly done, and by the evening

History of the 17 th Lancers

1780. the American communications on the Cooper were cut through
and Charleston completely isolated.

The Americans, however, were not so easily to be baulked.
Huger himself and his principal officer. Colonel Washington,^
had managed to escape by hiding in a swamp, and before the
end of April had begun to collect another force of cavalry to the
north of the Santee, a river which runs parallel to the Cooper,
and at its nearest point is not above twenty miles from Biggin's
Bridge. On the 6th of May this force crossed the Santee, snapped
up a British foraging party, and prepared to recross the river, a few
miles lower down, at Lanew's Ferry. Tarleton, who was patrol-
ling with the detachment of the Seventeenth and some of his
own dragoons, 1 50 men all told, learned what had happened, and
pressed on with all haste to catch the Americans before they
could repass the Santee. Once again he caught a superior force
by surprise. Coming up at 3 p.m. with the American vedettes
he at once drove them in upon the picquet, and was on the
backs of the main body in an instant. Five officers and 36
men were cut down, 7 officers and 60 men made prisoners, and
the rest, including Colonel Washington, driven into the river to
escape as best they could by swimming. Tarleton, who had lost
but two men and four horses killed, marched back to camp,
twenty-six miles, on the same evening, with the result that twenty
horses died of fatigue. But Tarleton, as we shall see, never
spared men or horses.

On the 1 2th May Charleston surrendered to General Clinton,
who thereupon prepared to return to New York. But first he
sent three expeditions up three different rivers to the interior to
pursue the advantages gained by the surrender. Of these three,
one, under Lord Cornwallis, was ordered to cross the Santee
River and pursue a large train of American stores and ammunition
which, under the command of Colonel Burford, was retreating
in all haste by the north-east bank towards North Carolina.
Accordingly, on the i8th May, Cornwallis with a mixed force

^ This Colonel Washington must not be confounded with his namesake the famous George.

The American War — Second Stage

of 2500 men, including Tarleton's legion and the Seventeenth, 1780.
marched ofF and crossed the Santee in boats at Lanew's Ferry.
The legion and Seventeenth were then at once detached to
Georgetown to clear the left flank of Cornwallis's line of march,
while the main body pursued its way up the river to Nelson s
Ferry. Having rejoined Cornwallis at that point on the 27th,
Tarleton was detached once more with 40 men of the Seventeenth,
130 of the legion dragoons, 100 mounted infantry, and a three-
pounder field-gun, to follow iBurford by forced marches. So
intense was the heat that many both of the men and of the horses
broke down ; but by dint of impressing fresh horses on the
road the little column reached Camden (sixty miles distant as
the crow flies) on the following day. There Tarleton learned
that Burford was still far ahead of him, having left Rugeley's
Mills (twenty miles as the crow flies beyond Camden) on the 26th.
Moreover, American reinforcements were on the march to join
him from North Carolina, and both columns were making all
haste to effect a junction. Seeing that such junction must at
all hazards be prevented, Tarleton started off again at 2 a.m.
on the 29th, reached Rugeley's Mills at daylight, and there ai9th May.
obtained information of Burford still in retreat twenty miles
ahead of him. In the hope of delaying him Tarleton sent him
a message, wherein he exaggerated the strength of his force, to
summon him to surrender. But Burford was too cunning either
to pause or to surrender ; so there was nothing for Tarleton to
do but to leave his three-pounder behind and press on with his
weary men and horses as best he could. At last at three in the
afternoon the British advanced parties came up with Burford's
rear-guard, captured five men, and forced Burford to turn and
fight. His force was 380 infantry, a detachment of cavalry, and 2
guns. The British had started but 300 strong, had marched a
hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, and had perforce left
some men behind them on the way. Tarleton divided his little
party into three columns, whereof the men of the Seventeenth,
under Captain Talbot, formed the centre, and attacked at once.

History of the 17th Lancers

1780. The Americans reserved their fire till the cavalry was within ten
yards of them , but failed to check the charge of the British, who
galloped straight into the middle of them and did fearful execution.
Tarleton's horse was killed under him ; and the men, thinking that
their leader was dead, became mad. The Americans lost 14 officers
and 99 men killed ; 8 officers and 142 men wounded, 3 officers
and 50 men prisoners, also 3 colours, 2 guns, and the whole
of their baggage train. The British lost but 2 officers and 3 men
killed, I officer (Lieutenant Patteshall of the Seventeenth) and
1 1 men wounded, and 40 horses. After this action, known as
the engagement of Waxhaws, the Americans who were advancing
from North Carolina at once retired ; and Tarleton rejoined
Cornwallis at Camden. South Carolina was now virtually cleared
of American troops ; and Cornwallis having established a few
outlying posts to keep order, and left Lord Rawdon in command
at Camden, returned to Charleston to take up the business of
civil administration.

General Washington now detached 2000 men from the North
to North Carolina, which nucleus being reinforced by 40cx>
more men from Virginia, entered South Carolina once more on
the 27th July, and advanced along the line of the Upper Santee
upon Camden. To the great di^ust and disappointment of the
British commander the whole country welcomed the arrival of
the Americans with joy, and Cornwallis in great anxiety
hastened up to Camden in person. General Gates with 6000
men was advancing in his front. General Sumpter with 1000 men
was threatening his communications with Charleston in rear ; 8cx>
of the garrison of Camden were in hospital, and a bare 2000 men
fit for service. Nevertheless Cornwallis decided rather to advance
against Gates than to retreat upon Charleston ; and accordingly
marched at 10 p.m. on the 15th August, almost exactly at the
time when Gates started down the same road to meet him. At
i6th Aug. 2 A.M. the advanced parties of the two columns met, fortunately
just at a point where Cornwallis had reached a good position,
his flanks being secured by swampy ground, and the line of

The American War — Second Stage

Gates's advance narrowed by the same cause to a point which 1780.
prevented deployment of his far superior force. Cornwallis drew
up his little army in two lines, holding Tarleton's cavalry in
reserve in the rear. Even this small force of mounted men had
been weakened by the recall of part of the Seventeenth to New
York ; but the regiment was nevertheless represented. Cornwallis
took the initiative, and after an hour's hard fighting broke up
the Americans completely. Then Tarleton was let loose with
his men of the Seventeenth and dragoons of the legion, who
pursued the defeated army for twenty-two miles, capturing seven
guns, the whole of the baggage, and a great number of prisoners.
Cornwallis lost 345 men killed and wounded, nearly all of them
from the infantry, while the Americans lost in killed, wounded,
and prisoners, not far from 2000 men, a number equal to that
of the whole British force engaged.

There still remained General Sumpter, with 1000 men well
armed and equipped, on the south side of the Wateree (Upper
Santee), who was now preparing to retreat to North Carolina.
Tarleton with a mixed force of 350 men was at once sent
across the river after him ; but by noon on the day after the ,7th Aug.
battle his troops were so exhausted by fatigue and by the heat
that he was forced to pick out 100 cavalry and 60 infantry,
and proceed with these alone. After marching five miles further
his advanced party came upon two American vedettes, who fired
and killed one dragoon. But the shots caused no alarm in the
American camp, for it was assumed that the American militia-
men, according to their usual habit, were merely shooting at
cattle. Tarleton's men at once captured the vedettes, and moved
on to a neighbouring height, from which on peering over the
crest they discovered the Americans comfortably resting, without
the least suspicion of danger, during the heat of the day. General
Sumpter was not even dressed, so hot was the weather ; and
altogether Tarleton's task, thanks to his own energy, was once
more an easy one. The Americans were promptly attacked and
dispersed with the loss of 150 killed and wounded, and 300

History of the 17 th Lancers

1780. prisoners. Two guns, a great quantity of stores and ammunition,
and 250 loyalist prisoners previously captured by Sumpter, also
fell into Tarleton's hands.

Emboldened by this success. Lord Cornwallis advanced into
North Carolina, but owing to the destruction of one of his
detachments was compelled to fall back once more into South
Carolina, and thus, notwithstanding his victory at Camden, found
himself in as bad a position as ever. In November the inde-
fatigable Sumpter, undismayed by previous defeats, collected
another force and again threatened the British communications
between Camden and Charleston. Once again Tarleton was
ordered to checkmate him ; but this time fortune sided with
Sumpter. Tarleton on receiving his instructions moved off with
his usual swiftness, and interposing between Sumpter's force and
the line of retreat into North Carolina, was on the point of
cutting him off before Sumpter had received the least warning
of an enemy's approach. Unluckily, however, a deserter be-
trayed Tarleton's movements, and thus enabled Sumpter to get
the start of him on his retreat. Tarleton none the less followed
hard after him, and having overtaken his rear-guard, and cut it
to pieces, hurried forward with a handful of 170 of the Seven-
teenth and legion cavalry, and 80 mounted infantry, to catch the
main body before it could cross a rapid river, the Tyger, that
barred its line of march. At 5 p.m. on the 20th November
he finally overtook Sumpter at Blackstocks, and with his usual
impetuosity attacked him forthwith. The American force was
1000 strong, skilfully posted on difficult ground, and sheltered
by log huts. Tarleton's men were beaten back from all points,
and being very heavily punished, were forced to retire. But
by chance Sumpter himself had been badly wounded ; and the
Americans, without a leader to hold them together, retreated and
dispersed. Tarleton, therefore, although defeated, was successful
in gaining his point, and received particular commendation for
this action from Lord Cornwallis.

In December reinforcements from New York were sent to

The American War — Second Stage

South Carolina, and among them a troop of the Seventeenth, 1780.
which was added to Tarleton's command for the forthcoming
operations. Cornwallis designed to march once more into
North Carolina. The Americans, true to their habitual tactics,
resolved to keep him in the South by harassing his outlying posts,
and to this end sent 1000 men under General Morgan across
the Broad River to attack Lord Rawdon in the district known
as ''Ninety-six," on the western frontier of South Carolina.
Cornwallis replied to this by detaching Tarleton, with a mixed
force of about 1000 men, to the north-west to cut off Morgan's
retreat. On the night of the 6th January, Tarleton, after a 1781.
very fatiguing march, managed to get within six miles of Morgan,
who retreated in a hurry, leaving his provisions half-cooked on
the ground. At three next morning Tarleton resumed the 7th Jan.
pursuit, and at 8 a.m. came up with the American force, disposed
for action, at a place called the Cowpens. As usual Tarleton
attacked without hesitation, in fact so quickly that he barely
allowed time for his troops to take up their allotted positions.
The 7th Foot and legion infantry formed his first line, flanked
on each side by a troop of cavalry ; the 7 1 st Foot and remainder
of the cavalry were held in reserve. The Americans were drawn
up in two lines, whereof the first was easily broken, but the
second stood firm and fought hard. Seeing that his infantry
attack was failing, Tarleton ordered the troop of cavalry on the
right flank to charge, which it duly did under a very heavy fire,
but being unsupported, was driven back by Morgan's cavalry with
some loss. Tarleton then ordered up the 71st, which drove back
the Americans brilliantly for a time, but being, like the rest of
the British force, fatigued by the previous hours of hard marching,
could not push the attack home. The Americans rallied and
charged in their turn, and the British began to waver. Tarleton
ordered his irregular cavalry to charge, but they would not move ;
and then the American cavalry came down upon the infantry,
and all was confusion. " Where is now the boasting Tarleton ? "
shouted Colonel Washington, as he galloped down on the broken

History of the 17th Lancers

1 78 1, ranks. But the boasting Tarleton, who had driven Washington
once to hide for his life in a swamp, and once to swim for his
life across the Santee, was not quite done with yet. Amid all
the confusion the troop of the Seventeenth rallied by itself, and
with these, a mere 40 men, and 14 mounted officers who
had formed on them, Tarleton made a desperate charge against
the whole of Washington's cavalry, hurled it back, and pressing
on through them, cut to pieces the guard stationed over the
captured English baggage. Cornet Patterson of the Seventeenth,
maddened by Colonel Washington's taunt, singled him out, and
was shot dead by Washington's orderly trumpeter. Lieutenant
Nettles of the Seventeenth was wounded, and many troopers of
the regiment likewise fell that day. The survivors of that
charge were the only men that left the field with Tarleton that
evening. The irregular cavalry was collected in the course of
the following days ; but the infantry men were cut down where
they stood. Both the 7th and the 71st had done admirably
throughout their previous engagements in the war, and felt that
their detachments had not received fair treatment at Cowpens.
The 71st, it is on record, never forgave Tarleton to the last.

In spite of his victory Morgan continued his retreat into
North Carolina, Lord Cornwallis following hard at his heels,
but sadly embarrassed by the loss of his light troops. Having
been misled by false reports as to the difficulty of passing the
rivers of North Carolina, Cornwallis marched into the extreme
back country of the province so as to cross the waters at their
head, and on the ist February fought a brilliant little action
to force the passage of the Catawba. At the close of the day
Tarleton's cavalry had an opportunity of taking revenge for
Cowpens, and this time did not leave the Seventeenth to do
all the work alone. From the Catawba Cornwallis pressed the
pursuit of Morgan with increased energy, but failed, though
only by a hair's breadth, to overtake him. Nevertheless, by
the time he had reached Hillsborough, the American troops had
fairly evacuated North Carolina ; and Cornwallis seized the

The American War — Second Stage

opportunity to issue a proclamation summoning the loyalists of 1781
the province to the royal standard. The Americans replied by
sending General Greene with a greatly augmented force back
into Carolina. Thereupon the supposed loyalists at once joined
Greene, who was thus able to press Cornwallis back to a position
on the Deep River. On the 14th March, Cornwallis, always
ready with bold measures, marched out with 2000 British to
attack Greene with 7000 Americans, met him at a place called
Guildford, and defeated him with heavy loss. The cavalry had
no chance, though the Seventeenth was present at the action ; but
the British infantry was terribly punished : 542 men were killed
and wounded in the fight ; and Cornwallis thus weakened was
obliged to retire slowly down the river to Wilmington, which he
reached on the 7th April.

The memory of Cornwallis's campaigns in the Carolinas has
utterly perished. But although they issued ultimately in failure,
they remain among the finest performances of the British rank
and file. The march in pursuit of Morgan, which culminated
in the action of Guildford and the retreat to Wilmington, alone
covered 600 miles over a most difficult country. The men had
no tents nor other protection against the climate, and very
often no provisions. Day after day they had to ford large
rivers and numberless creeks, which (to use Cornwallis's own
words), in any other country in the world would be reckoned
large rivers. When, for instance, the Guards forced the passage
of the Catawba, they had to ford a rapid stream waist-deep for
five hundred yards under a heavy fire to which they were unable
to reply. The cavalry on their part came in for some of the
hardest of the work, being continually urged on and on to the
front in pursuit of an enemy which they could sometimes over-
take, but never force to fight ; constantly engaged in petty
skirmishes, losing a man here and a man there, but gaining little
for their pains, and at each day's close driven to their wits' end
to procure food for themselves and forage for their horses. By
the time Cornwallis reached Wilmington the cavalry were about

History of the 17 th Lancers

1782. worn out with their work on the rear-guard, and, in Cornwallis's
words, were in want of everything. But not a man of the army
complained, and all, by Cornwallis's own testimony, showed
exemplary patience and spirit. Meanwhile the Americans gave
him no rest. No sooner was his back turned on South Carolina
than they attacked his posts right and left, making particular
efforts against Lord Rawdon at Camden. In fact, in spite of
all the hard work done and the hardships endured with invincible
patience by the British troops, the state of the country was
worse than ever — armed parties of Americans everywhere and
all communications cut. Cornwallis was painfully embarrassed
by his situation. To re-enter South Carolina would be to
admit that the operations of the past eighteen months had been
fruitless. He decided that the best course for him was to
continue his advance into Virginia, at the same time despatching
messengers to warn Lord Rawdon that he must prepare to be
hard beset.

Not one of these messengers ever reached Lord Rawdon. The
perils of bearers of despatches at this time were such that they
could only be copquered by more than ordinary devotion to duty.
Fortunately an instance of such devotion has been preserved
for .us from the ranks of the Seventeenth. The case is that of a
corporal, O'Lavery by name, who was especially selected to
accompany a bearer of despatches on a dangerous and important
mission. The two had not gone far before they were attacked,
and both of them severely wounded. The man in charge of the
despatch died on the road ; the corporal took the packet from the
dead man's hand and rode on. Then he too dropped on the
road from loss of blood, but sooner than suffer the papers to fall
into the hands of the enemy, he concealed it by thrusting it into
his wound. All night he lay where he fell, and on the following
morning was found alive, but unable to do more than point to
the ghastly hiding-place of the despatch. The wound thus
maltreated proved to be mortal, and Corporal O'Lavery was
soon past all human reward. But Lord Rawdon, unwilling that

The American War — Second Stage

such gallant service should be forgotten, erected a monument to 178*.
O'Lavery's memory in his native County Down.

On the 25th of April Cornwallis, having refreshed his army,
quitted Wilmington and marched northward to Petersburg, 20th May.
where he effected a junction with two bodies, amounting together
to 3600 men, which had been despatched to reinforce him from
England and New York. With these he crossed the Appomattox
in search of Lafayette, and pursued him for some way north,
destroying all the enemy's stores as he went. The Americans
were now, in spite of their continued resistance in South Carolina,
in a distressed and desponding position ; but just at this critical
moment their hopes were revived by intelligence of coming aid
from France. Clinton having discovered this by interception of
despatches, and learned further that an attack on New York was
intended, recalled half of Cornwallis's troops to his own command,
and thus put an end to further operations in the South. It is
significant that Clinton begs in particular for the return of the
detachment of the Seventeenth ; evidently he counted upon this
regiment above others in critical times. Thus for the moment
operations in the South came to a standstill^ and Cornwallis
retired to Yorktown-.

Meanwhile Washington had raised an army in Connecticut
and marched down with it to his old position at Whiteplains,
where he was joined by a French force of 6000 men which had
occupied Rhode Island since June of the previous year. For
more than a month Washington kept Clinton in perpetual fear of
an attack, until at last he received intelligence that the expected
French fleet under the Comte de Grasse was on its way to the
Chesapeake. Then he suddenly marched with the whole army,
French and American, to Philadelphia, and thence down the Elk
River to the Chesapeake. De Grasse had been there with 24 ships
and 3500 troops since the 30th, and had managed to keep his
position against the British fleet of 19 ships under Admiral
Graves. This brief command of the sea by the French virtually
decided the war. Yorktown was invested on the 28th September,

History of the 17th Lancers

1782. and on the 19th October Cornwallis was compelled to surrender.
From that moment the war was practically over, though it was
not until the i6th April 1783 that Washington received, from
the hand of Captain Stapleton of the Seventeenth, the despatch
that announced to him the final cessation of hostilities.

So ended the first war service of the 17th Light Dragoons.
It will have been remarked that since 1779 ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^
of the headquarters of the regiment stationed at New York. The
answer is that there is little or nothing to say, no operations of
any importance having been undertaken in the North after the
capture of Charleston. Yet it is certain that the duties of foraging,
patrolling, and reconnaissance must have kept the men in New
York perpetually engaged in trifling skirmishes and petty actions,
whereof all record has naturally perished. A single anecdote of
one such little aflfair has survived, and is worth insertion, as
exemplifying from early days a distinctive trait of the regiment,
viz. the decided ability of its non-commissioned officers when
left in independent command. We shall find instances thereof
all through the regiment's history. Our present business is with
Sergeant Thomas Tucker, who, when out patrolling one day with
twelve men, came upon a small American post, promptly attacked
it, and made the garrison, which, though not large, was larger than
his own party, his prisoners. Tucker had accompanied the regi-
ment from England as a volunteer ; he went back with it to Eng-
land as a cornet. Incidents of this kind must have been frequent
round New York ; and as seventeen men of the Seventeenth,
exclusive of those taken at Yorktown, were prisoners in the hands
of the Americans at the close of the war, there can be no doubt
that the garrison duty in that city was not mere ordinary routine.

A few odd facts remain to be noted respecting the officers.
The first of these, gleaned fi-om General Clinton's letter-book of
1780, is rather pathetic. It consists of a memorial to the King
fi-om the 1 7th Light Dragoons, setting forth " that they look upon
themselves as particularly distinguished, by having been employed
in the actual service of their country ever since the rebellion began

The American War — Second Stage

in America. But its being the only regiment of Dragoons in this 1782.
service, and their promotion being entirely confined to that line,
they cannot but feel sensibly when they see every day promotion
made over them of officers of inferior rank." I cannot discover
that the least notice was taken of this petition, hard though the
case undoubtedly was ; for many of these officers held high staff
appointments in New York. Lieutenant - Colonel Birch was a
local Brigadier -General, and towards the end of the war was
actually in command at New York ; but he seems to have gained
little by it. On the other hand Captain Oliver Delancey made
his fortune, professionally speaking, through his success as
Clinton's Adjutant-General from August 178 1.

As to the detachments employed in the South enough has
already been said. But it is worth while to correct the error
into which other writers have fallen, that the men of the Seven-
teenth were not with Cornwallis in the campaign of North Carolina.
The fact is rendered certain by the mention of twenty-five men
in the melancholy roll of the capitulation of Yorktown, which
twenty-five I take to be the remnant of the small body that was
permanently attached to Tarleton's legion. Moreover, it was
not likely that Cornwallis, who was badly in want of light
troops, would have left them to do garrison work with Rawdon.
The loose expression " legion-cavalry " is so often used to cover
the whole of the mounted force under Tarleton's command,
that it is frequently difficult to distinguish the detachment of
the Seventeenth from the irregulars. But the men of that detach-
ment were not willing to sink their individuality in the general
body of legion dragoons. When their old regimental uniform
was worn out they were offered the green uniform of the legion,
but they would have none of it. They preferred to patch their
own ragged and faded scarlet, and be men of the Seventeenth.
Nor can we be surprised at it when we remember how the legion
retired and left a handful of the Seventeenth to face the victorious
Americans alone at Cowpens. This action gives a fair clue to the
real seat of strength in Tarleton's cavalry.

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1782. Lastly, it must be noted that, although the history of
the American War is usually slurred over in consequence of
its disastrous conclusion, yet to the rank and file of the British
army there is far more ground therein for pride than for shame.
British troops have never known harder times, harder work, nor
harder fighting, than in the fifteen hundred miles of the march
through the Carolinas. They were continually matched against
heavy odds under disadvantageous conditions, yet they were
almost uniformly victorious. The Americans fought and kept
on fighting with indomitable courage and determination, but it
was not the Americans but the French, and not so much the
French army as the French fleet, that caused Corn wal lis to
capitulate at Yorktown.

CHAPTER VI

RETURN OF THE I7TH FROM AMERICA, I783 IRELAND,

1793 EMBARKATION FOR THE WEST INDIES, I795

In 1783 the Seventeenth embarked from New York and returned 1783-
to Ireland, after an absence of eight years. I have failed
to discover the exact date. The last muster in America 1784.
is dated New York, 29th June 1783 ; the first in Ireland,
Cork, 14th January 1784, which latter date must be approxi-
mately that of their arrival. This muster-roll at Cork is somewhat
of a curiosity. Firstly, it is written on printed forms, the earliest
instance thereof in the history of the Seventeenth ; in the second
place, it shows the regiment to be 327 men short of its proper
strength, which is, to say the least of it, singular ; and, lastly,
it shows that every troop had lost exactly forty horses, no more
and no less, cast and dead in America, — a coincidence which sets
one wondering who may have been the person or persons that
made money out of it. The regiment was now reduced to a
peace establishment of 204 non-commissioned officers and men,
and stationed at Mount Mellick, Maryborough, and other
quarters in King's and Queen's Counties. It also received new
clothing, and for the first time discarded the scarlet, which it had
hitherto worn, for blue.

The new kit, which, saving regimental distinctions, was
issued to the whole of the Light Dragoons, consisted of a blue Apni.
jacket, with white collar and cuffs and the whole front laced
with white cord, similar to the jackets now worn by the Horse
Artillery. The shade of blue was dark for regiments serving at

6s F

History of the 17th Lancers

'784- home, and French gray for regiments serving in India. The
helmet also was altered to the new and seemingly very becoming
pattern which is to be seen in so many old prints. The leather
breeches remained the same, but the boots, for officers at any rate,
were more in the Hessian style. A coloured picture published at
the beginning of the century makes the new dress appear a very
handsome one, in the case of the Seventeenth Light Dragoons —
the combination of light blue, silver lace, and crimson sash, re-
lieved by the black fur on the cap, being decidedly pleasing. Let
us note that the Seventeenth still retained their mourning lace
round the helmet, and the plume of scarlet and white. The
badge, of course, appears both on helmet and sabre-tasche, though,
if so small a point be worth notice, the skull is below and
not above the cross-bones. Shoulder-belts continued to be
of bufF leather, but the sword-belt of 1784, henceforward worn
round the waist, was black. It is painful to have to add
that in this year, when the Light Dragoons were on the
whole more becomingly and sensibly dressed than at any
other period of their existence, the abomination known as
the shako made its first appearance in the cavalry, being in
fact the head-dress for field-day order. Though not yet quite
so extravagantly hideous as it became under King George IV.
it was sufficiently ugly — felt in material and black in colour,
with white lace curling spirally around it, and a short red
and white plume.

Of the life of the regiment during the nine ensuing years
there is neither material nor, I think, occasion for an annual
chronicle. Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Birch still retained the
command, and held it until 1794. The only one of the
original officers that remained. Captain Robert Archdale, dis-
appears from the regimental list after 1794, so that for two
whole years Birch was the sole survivor.

Meanwhile these were troublous days for Ireland. In the
course of the American War the country had been so far
stripped of troops that, in the alarm of French invasion in

Return of the 17 th from America

1779, corps of volunteers, to the nominal strength of 50,000 1784.
men, had been raised for purposes of defence. Unfortunately,
however, these volunteers did not confine themselves to military
matters. They were, in Mr. Froude's words, armed politicians
not under military law. As such they twice received the thanks
of the Irish House of Commons for political services, and finally
extorted the independence of the Irish Parliament in 1782.
They then attempted to establish a Legislative Assembly side
by side with the House of Commons, and virtually to dictate
to it the government of the country, and this although the peace
of 1 7 8 3 had rendered their existence as a defending force wholly
unnecessary. They were suppressed by a little firmness, and
therewith their character changed. Hitherto, though supported
in part by Catholic subscriptions, the volunteers had consisted
of Protestants only — men of position and good character. These
men now retired, and their arms fell into the hands of ruffians
and bad characters of every description. At last in 1787 these
volunteers, once the idol of Ireland, appeared to have ceased
their existence, but it was only for a time.

The outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, with its
cant words of liberty, equality, and fraternity, turned many heads
all the world over, and nowhere more than in Ireland. The
most significant symptom thereof was the foundation of the
Society of United Irishmen by the rebel Wolfe Tone ; whereof
the main object was the propagation and adoption of revolutionary
principles, and ultimately rebellion. In 1792 some of Tone's
associates formed two battalions of "National Guards," which
were to hold a great review on the 9th December, but having 1792.
been informed that they would muster at their peril, very sensibly
took care, after all, not to put in an appearance. This happened
in Dublin. But at Belfast and in the North there was
not less sympathy with the Jacobins and the extreme revolu-
tionists of France, and in Ulster too there were "National
Guards " of the same stamp.

The services of a regiment in aid of the civil power are

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1793- SO ungrateful that they are better left unrecorded, nor would
allusion here be made to those of the Seventeenth but for the
coincidence that they have found a place in history. For
in the year 1786 began one of those periodic outbreaks of
agrarian crime which have so often troubled Ireland, the
perpetrators being what are now called moonlighters but were
then known as whiteboys or defenders. Of the share taken by
the Seventeenth in the suppression of these defenders it is
best to say nothing, arduous though the work undoubtedly
was. But it was a far more serious matter when, early in
April 1793, the "National Guard" of Northern Republicans
paraded in their green uniforms at Belfast, undeterred by the
suppression of their brethren in Dublin. In March, General
Whyte was sent down to compel their submission, the Seventeenth
forming part of his force. He thereupon sent four troops of
the regiment to disarm the " Guard " of these Republican
volunteers. The rest of the story is best told in Mr. Froude's
own words : —

1793- On the evening of the 9th March, a corporal and a private of the
ijth, ofF duty, strolled out of the barracks into the city where they met
a crowd of people round a fiddler who was playing p7 ira. They told the
fiddler to play God save the King. The mob damned the King with all
his dirty slaves, and threw a shower of stones at them. The two dragoons,
joined by a dozen of their comrades, drew their sabres and " drove the town
before them.*' Patriot Belfast had decorated its shops with sign-boards
representing Republican notables. The soldiers demolished Dumouriez,
demolished Mirabeau, demolished the venerable Franklin. The patriots so
brave in debate, so eloquent in banquet, ran before half a dozen English-
men, A hundred and fifty volunteers came out, but retreated into the
Exchange and barricaded themselves. The officers of the 17th came up
before any one had been seriously hurt, and recalled the men to their
quarters. In the morning General Whyte came in from Carrickfergus,
went to the volunteer committee room, and said that unless the gentlemen
in the Exchange came out and instantly dispersed, he would order the
regiment under arms. They obeyed without a word. The dragoons
received a reprimand, but not too severe, as the General felt that they had
done more good than harm.^

^ Froudc, Engliih in Ireland, iii. 105, 106.

Ireland

: ^

Thus through two men of thfe Seventeenth the Irish volun- 1793.
teers were finally brought to an end. It must be remembered in
defence of these two dragoons that their regiment had fought
through the whole of the American War, which had failed mainly
through the Alliance of the French with the Americans ; and that
it was a little hard on them, when at home, to hear abuse of the
King whom they served, and witness the exaltation of French and
American heroes. Moreover, in those days the Irish had injured
so many soldiers by hamstringing them when peaceably walking
in the streets that there was a deal of bad blood between the Irish
and the Army.

In that same year began the great war with France which was
destined to last, with only a few months intermission, for the next
twenty years, and to be finally closed by the victory of Waterloo.
The eflforts of Mr. Pitt were early directed against the French
possessions in the West Indies — a policy which, after having been
for many years condemned, in deference to the verdict of Lord
Macaulay, has lately been vindicated by a more competent and
impartial authority. Captain Mahan of the United States Navy.
The richest of the French West Indies was the Island of St.
Domingo, which accordingly became one of Pitt's first objects.
Ever since 1790, when the revolutionary principles of Paris
had first found their way thither, the island had been in a
state of disturbance, which had culminated, partly through
mismanagement and partly through wilful mischief, in a general
rising of the negroes against the whites, accompanied by all the
atrocities that inevitably attend a servile war and a war of colour.
Of the white planters many took refuge in Jamaica, whence they
pressed the British Government to take possession of St.
Domingo, averring that all classes of the population would
welcome British dominion, and that on the first appearance of
a British force the Colony \^ould surrender without a struggle.
It was the story of the Carolinas repeated, and we shall see that
the story had the same end.

St. Domingo, an island almost as large as Great Britain,

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1793- in shape greatly resembles a human right hand cut off at the
wrist, and with the thumb, second and third fingers doubled
inwards ; the wrist forming the eastern end, and two long
promontories, represented by the little and first fingers, the
western extremities. The French garrison in the island consisted
of 6000 regular troops, 14,000 white militia, and 25,000 negroes.
The British force first directed against it consisted of 870 rank
and file, which with the help of a small squadron captured
19th Sept. and garrisoned the ports of Jeremie and Mole St. Nicholas,
22nd Sept. situated near the extremities of the south and north promontories
respectively. These posts, as commanding the windward passage
between St. Domingo and Cuba, were of considerable strategic
importance to the Navy. From Jeremie an expedition was
undertaken against Cape Tiburon, in reliance on the help of
500 friendly Frenchmen, whom a French planter undertook
to raise for the purpose. Not 50 Frenchmen appeared, and
the attack was a total failure. Then came the rainy season,
and with it the yellow fever, which played havoc among the
troops. Reinforcements being imperatively needed, more men
were withdrawn from Jamaica to St. Domingo, whereby, as
will presently appear, the safety of Jamaica was seriously
compromised.

1794. In the spring of 1794 the British succeeded in taking
Tiburon and one or two more ports, and finally in June they
effected the capture of Port au Prince. But the revolted negroes,
under the command of a man of colour, Andrew Rigaud, showed
plainly by an attack on the British post at Tiburon that they
at any rate did not mean to accept British rule. And now
yellow fever set in again with frightful severity. A small
British reinforcement of 300 men lost 100 in the short passage
between Guadeloupe and Jamaica, left 150 more dying at
Jamaica, and arrived at Port au Prince with a bare 50 fit
for duty. Then Rigaud again became active, and on 28 th
December succeeded in recapturing Tiburon, after the British

1795. had lost 300 men out of 480.

Embarkation for the West Indies

When the news of all these calamities arrived in England, it 1795.
was resolved that four regiments of Light Cavalry should* be sent
dismounted to St, Domingo in August, and that meanwhile
detachments amounting to eight troops of the 13th, 17th and
1 8th Light Dragoons should be despatched to Jamaica forthwith.
These last were, if required by the General, to be sent on to
St. Domingo ; and as the General required them very badly,
being able to raise only 500 men fit for duty out of seven
regiments, he lost no time in asking for them.

The detachments, including that from the Seventeenth, were
accordingly shipped off, when or from whence I have been unable
to discover. As little is known of the life on a transport in
those days, it may be worth while to put down here such
few details as I have succeeded in collecting. In the first
place, then, hired transports seem generally to have been
thoroughly bad ships. That they should have been small
was unavoidable ; but they seem as a rule to have been in
every respect bad, and by no means invariably seaworthy.
Those who have seen in the naval despatches of those days
the extraordinary difficulty that was found in keeping even men-
of-war clean, and the foul diseases that were rampant in the fleet
through the jobbery and mismanagement of the Admiralty, will
not be inclined to expect much of the hired transports. Let us
then imagine the men brought on board a ship full of foul smells
from bad stores and bilge -water, and then proceed to a brief
sketch of the regulations.

The first regulation is that the ship is to be frequently
fumigated with brimstone, sawdust, or wet gunpowder — no doubt
to overcome the pervading stench. Such fumigation was to
begin at 7 a.m., when the berths were brought up and aired,
and be repeated if possible after each meal. Moreover, lest the
free circulation of air should be impeded unnecessarily, it was
ordained that married couples should not be allowed to hang
up blankets, to make them separate berths, all over the ship^
but in certain places only. The men were to be divided into

History of the 17 th Lancers

1795- three watches, one of which was always to be on deck; and in
fine weather every man was to be on deck all day, and kept
in health and strength by shot drill. For the rest the men were
required to wash their feet every morning in two tubs of salt
water placed in the forecastle for the purpose, to comb their
heads every morning with a small tooth comb, to shave, to wash
all over, and to put on a clean shirt at least twice a week.

At the very best the prospects of a voyage to the West
Indies a century ago could not have been pleasant ; but the
experience of these unfortunate detachments of dragoons seems
to have been appalling. After a terrible passage, in which some
ships were cast away, and all were seriously battered, a certain
number of transports arrived in July at Jamaica, and among them
those containing two troops of the Seventeenth. Jamaica not
being their destination, they were told that their arrival was an
unfortunate blunder, and packed oflF again to St. Domingo.
Think of the feelings of those unhappy men at being bandied
about in such a fashion. They had not sailed clear of the
Jamaican coast, however, when they were hastily recalled. The
Maroons had broken out into rebellion ; and the " unfortunate
blunder" which brought the Seventeenth to Jamaica was fated to
prove a piece of great good luck to the island and a cause of
distinction to the regiment. But something must first be said of
the story of the Maroons themselves.

CHAPTER VII

THE MAROON WAR IN JAMAICA, I795

The year 1795, ^ ^^^^ presently be told when we speak of the 1795-
services of the Seventeenth in Grenada, was marked by a simul-
taneous revolt of almost all the possessions of the British in the
West Indies. Amid all this trouble the large and important
island of Jamaica remained untouched. This was remarkable,
for from its wealth it offered a tempting prey to the French, and,
from its proximity to St. Domingo, it was easy of access to French
agents of sedition and revolt, who could pass into it without
suspicion among the hundreds of refugees that had fled from that
unhappy island. Moreover, the garrison had been reduced to
great weakness by the constant drain of reinforcements for St.
Domingo. Still, in spite of some awkward symptoms, the
Jamaica planters remained careless and supine ; and no one but
the governor. Lord Balcarres, a veteran of the American War, felt
the slightest anxiety. Such was the state of afllairs when the
squadron of the Seventeenth arrived at Port Royal in July, and
was sent on board ship again. Three days later the Maroons
were up in rebellion.

The history of these Maroons is curious, and must be told at
some length if the relation of the war is to be rightly under-
stood. Jamdca was originally gained for the English by an
expedition despatched by Cromwell in 1655 ; but it was not until
1658 that the Spaniards, after a last vain struggle to expel the
British garrison, were finally driven from the island. On their
departure their slaves fled to the mountains, and there for some

History of the 17 th Lancers

1795- years they lived by the massacre and plunder of British settlers.
They seem to have scattered themselves over a large extent of
country, and to have kept themselves in at least two distinct
bodies, those in the north holding no communication with those
in the south. These latter, in their district of Clarendon, being
disagreeably near the seat of Government, the British authorities
contrived to conciliate and disperse ; but their fastnesses had not
long been deserted by the Maroons when they were occupied
(1690) by a band of revolted slaves. These last soon became
extremely formidable and troublesome, their ravages compelling
the planters to convert every estate-building into a fortress ;
and at last the burden of this brigandage became so insupportable
that the Government determined to put it down with a strong
hand.

At the outset the attacks of the whites on these marauding
gangs met with some success ; but soon came a new departure.
A man of genius arose from among these revolted slaves, one
Cudjoe by name, by whose efforts the various wandering bands
were welded into a single body, organised on a quasi-military
footing, and made twice as formidable as before. Nor was this
all. The Maroons of the north, who from the beginning had
never left their strongholds nor ceased their depredations, heard
the fame of Cudjoe, joined him in large numbers, and enlisted
under his banner. Yet another tribe of negroes, distinct in race
from both the others, likewise flocked to him ; and the whole
mass thus united by his genius grew, about the year 1730, to be
comprehended, though inaccurately, by the whites under the
name of Maroons (hog-hunters). Cudjoe now introduced a very
skilful and successful system of warfare, which became traditional
among all Maroon chiefs. The grand object was to take up a
central position in a " cockpit," i.e. a glen enclosed by perpen-
dicular rocks, and accessible only through a narrow defile. A
chain of such cockpits runs through the mountains from east to
west, communicating by more or less practicable passes one with
another. These glens run also in parallel lines from north to

The Maroon War in Jamaica

south, but the sides are so steep as to be impassable to any but a 1795-
Maroon. Such were the natural fortresses of these black moun-
taineers, in a country known to none but themselves. To pre-
serve communication among themselves they had contrived a
system of horn-signals so perfect that there was a distinct call by
which every individual man could be hailed and summoned. The
outlets from these cockpits were so few that the white men could
always find a well-beaten track which led them to the mouth of a
defile ; but beyond the mouth they could not go. A deep fissure,
from two hundred to eight hundred yards long, and impassable
except in single file, was easily guarded. Warned by the horns of
the scouts that an enemy was approaching, the Maroons hid them-
selves in ambush behind rocks and trees, selected each his man,
shot him down, and then vanished to some fresh position. Turn
whither he might, the unlucky pursuer was met always by a fresh
volley from an invisible foe, who never fired in vain.

Nevertheless the white men were sufficiently persistent in their
pursuit of Cudjoe to force him to abandon the Clarendon district ;
but this only made matters worse, inasmuch as it drove him to an
impregnable fastness, whence there was no hope of dislodging
him, in the Trelawney district farther to the north-west. This
cockpit contained seven acres of fertile land and a spring of
water. Its entrance was a defile half a mile long ; its rear was
barred by a succession of other cockpits, its flanks protected by
lofty precipices. Here Cudjoe made his headquarters and laughed
at the white men. The Maroons lived in indolent savagery
while their provisions lasted, and in active brigandage when their
wants forced them to go and plunder. They were fond of blood
and barbarity, as is the nature of savages, and never spared a
prisoner, black or white. After nine or ten years of successful
warfare Cudjoe fairly compelled the whites to make terms with
him; and accordingly, in the year 1738, a solemn treaty was
concluded between Captains Cudjoe, Johnny, Accompong, Cuflfee,
Quaco, and the Maroons of Trelawney town on the one part, and
George the Second, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain,

History of the 17th Lancers

1795- France, and Ireland, and of Jamaica Lord, on the other. The terms
of the treaty granted the Maroons amnesty, fifteen hundred acres
of land, and certain hunting rights ; also absolute freedom, inde-
pendence, and self-government among themselves — the jurisdiction
of the chiefs being limited only in respect of the penalty of death,
and of disputes in which a white man was concerned. On their
part the Maroons undertook to give up runaway slaves, to aid
the king against all enemies, domestic and foreign, and to admit
two white residents to live with them perpetually. A similar
treaty was concluded with another body of Maroons that had not
followed Cudjoe to Trelawney from the windward end of the
island ; and thus the Maroon question for the present was settled.
From 1738 till 1795 ^^^ Maroons gave little or no trouble.
They remained dispersed in five settlements, three of them
to windward, but the two of most importance to leeward, in
Trelawney district. They lived in a state midway between
civilisation and barbarism, retaining the religion — a religion
without worship or ceremony — which their fathers had brought
from Africa, cultivating their provision grounds regularly, if in
rather a primitive feshion, breeding horses, cattle, and fowls,
hunting wild swine and fugitive slaves, and conducting them-
selves generally in a harmless and not unprofitable manner.
Their vices were those of the white man, drinking and gambling,
which of course gave rise to quarrels ; but they were ruled with
a strong hand by their chiefs, and kept well within bounds.
Owing to the climate in which they lived, some thousands of
feet above the sea, and the fi-ee, active life which they led, they
were physically a splendid race — tall and muscular, and far
superior to the negro slaves whom, from this cause as well as in
virtue of their own fi-eedom, they held in great contempt. More-
over, the feet that they were employed to hunt down runaway
slaves helped greatly to make them friendly to the whites and
hostile to the blacks. In fact they held an untenable position,
being bound to the whites by treaty, and fighting in alliance
with them both against insurgent negroes, as in 1760, and white

The Maroon War in Jamaica

invaders, as in 1779-80, and yet bound by affinity of race and 1795.
colour to the very negroes that they helped to keep in servitude.
Meanwhile they grew rapidly in numbers and consideration.
Certain restrictions to which they had been subjected by Acts
of the Jamaica Assembly at the time of the treaty fell into
disuse, and became a dead letter. They began to leave their own
district and wander at large about the plantations, making love to
the female slaves, becoming fathers of many children by them,
and thus gradually breaking down the barrier between them-
selves and their fellow -blacks. Simultaneously the internal
discipline of the Maroons became seriously relaxed. Cudjoe
and his immediate successors had ruled them with a rod of
iron ; but at a distance of two generations the authority of the
chiefs, though they still bore the titles of Colonel and Captain,
had sunk to a mere name. For a time the Colonel's power in
Trelawney was transferred to one of the white residents, a
Major James, who had been brought up among the Maroons,
could beat the best of them at their feats of activity and skill,
and was considered to be almost one of themselves. Of great
physical strength and utterly fearless, he would interpose in the
thick of a Maroon quarrel, heedless of the whirling cutlasses,
knock down those that withstood him, and clap the rebellious
in irons without a moment's hesitation. Naturally so strong a
man was a great favourite with the Maroons, who, while he
remained among them, were kept well in hand. But it so
happened that James succeeded to the possession of an estate
which obliged him to spend most of his time away from the
Maroon town ; and as a resident who does not reside could be
satisfactory neither to his subjects at Trelawney nor his masters
at Kingston, he was deprived of his post. He, rather un-
reasonably, felt himself much aggrieved by the Government in
consequence; and the Maroons, who had been annoyed at his
former neglect, became positively angry at his involuntary removal.
In plain truth, the Maroons through indiscipline had got what is
called " above themselves," and were ripe for any mischief

History of the 17th Lancers

1795. It was not long before matters came to a crisis. The new
resident appointed in place of James, though in character irre-
proachable, was not a man to dominate the Maroons by personal
ascendency and courage. A trifling dispute sprang up in the
middle of July ; the Trelawney Maroons drove him fJ-om the
town, and on the 1 8th sent a message to the magistrates to say
that they desired nothing but battle, and that if the white men
would not come to them and make terms, then they would come
down to the white men. With that they called in all their
people, and sent the women into the bush — nay, report said that
they proposed to kill their cattle and also such of their children
as were likely to prove an encumbrance to them.

Lord Balcarres, when the news reached him, was not a
little troubled. At ordinary times it might have been politic
to temporise and conciliate, but now that the greater number
of the islands were aflame such policy seemed impossible. Here
was a race of black men in insurrection, who had successfully
resisted the whites two generations before, and now held an
independent position in virtue of a solemn treaty. The bare
existence of such a community was a standing menace at such
a time. There was evidence that French agents were at work
in Jamaica ; and it was remarkable that just at this time the
negroes on nine plantations, where the managers were known
to be men of unusual clemency, showed symptoms of unrest and
discontent. It is evident from Balcarres's despatches that he had
negro insurrection, so to speak, on the brain, and it is certain
that he was ambitious of military glory ; but he cannot be
blamed at such a time for acting forcibly and swiftly. For a
fortnight endeavours were made to smoothe matters over, and
with some slight success, for six of the chiefs surrendered. But
the main body still held aloof; and Balcarres without further
ado proclaimed martial law. He took pains to obtain informa-
tion as to every path and track that led into the Maroon district,
his plan being to seize these and thus blockade the whole of it,
though he admits that it would be a diflicult manoeuvre to do so

The Maroon War in Jamaica

efFectually " on a circle of forty square miles of the most difficult 1795.
and mountainous country in the universe." On the 9th August
the preparations were complete, and the passes were seized ;
whereupon thirty-eight of the older and less warlike Maroons
surrendered, and were carried away under a guard and kept in
strict confinement. Seeing this the remainder at once set fire to
their towns (the old and the new town, as the two groups of
shanties half a mile apart were named), an action which was
not misinterpreted as "a signal of inveterate violence and
hostility." It was now clear that the matter would have to
be fought out.

The force at Balcarres's disposal was not great. The garrison
consisted of the i6th and 62nd Foot, both so weak as to number
but 1 50 men apiece fit for duty, and the 20th or Jamaica Light
Dragoons. Besides these there were the stray detachments of
the 13th, 14th, 17th, and i8th Light Dragoons, and of the 83rd
Foot, some of them very weak, and probably amounting in all
to little more than 400 men. Also there was a fair force of
local militia, with several local Major-Generals. The Maroons
of Trelawney numbered 660 men, women, and children ; and
there were at least as many more in the other Maroon settlements,
which latter, though they never rose, were greatly distrusted by
the Governor. Balcarres resolved to surround the whole of the
Trelawney Maroon district, and made his dispositions thus : —
Colonel Sandford, with the i6th Foot and 20th Dragoons, covered
one outlet to the north ; Colonel Hull, with 170 men of the 62nd
Foot and of the Seventeenth, another ; Colonel Walpole, with 1 50
of the 13th and 14th Dragoons, barred one approach from the
south; and Balcarres himself, with the 83rd, took post to the
south-west. The Seventeenth was represented by one troop only,
the other being on board ship on its way to St. Domingo.

On the 1 2th August the Maroons opened the war by nth Aug.
attacking a militia post, and killing and wounding a few men.
On the same day I^rd Balcarres ordered Colonel Sandford to
attack and carry the new town from his side, and having done

History of the 17th Lancers

1795. so, to halt and cut off the retreat of the Maroons, while he
himself attacked the old town from his own side. Off started
Colonel Sandford, accordingly, with forty -five of the i8th
Dragoons, mounted, a body of militia infantry, and a number
of volunteers — the latter men of property in the country, and
" all generals," as Balcarres sarcastically remarked. In spite of
the steepness and difficulty of the ground the little column
advanced rapidly with great keenness. The Maroons on their
approach quietly evacuated the site of the new town, and
i2th Aug. withdrew into a deep defile, three-quarters of a mile long, which
formed their communication with the old town. Presently up
came Sandford, and to his great joy carried the new town
without opposition. Flushed with success he started oflF, in
disobedience to orders, to take the old town, pressing on with
his mounted men, dragoons, and volunteers, at such a pace
that the militia could not keep up with him. Thus hurrying
into the trap laid for him, he plunged into the defile. The
column, which was half as long as the defile, had passed two-
thirds of the way through it, when a tremendous volley was
poured into its whole length. Not a Maroon was to be seen,
and the column continued its advance. A second volley
followed : Colonel Sandford fell dead ; and then the column
began to run. The officer of the i8th, seeing that retreat
through the defile would be fatal, dashed straight forward at
a small party of Maroons which he saw ahead, broke through
them, and galloping headlong through a breakneck country,
brought the remains of his detachment safely to Lord Balcarres's
camp. Two officers and thirty-five men were killed, and many
more wounded in this little affair ; and the militia (who had
not been under fire) were so far demoralised that they evacuated
the new town and retired. That night (though Balcarres knew
it not) every Maroon warrior got blind drunk. Sixty of them
were so helpless even on the following afternoon that they had
to be carried into the cockpit by the women.

Though the Seventeenth was not engaged in this aflfair, it

The Maroon War in Jamaica

has been necessary to describe it at length in order to show 1795.
how formidable an enemy these Maroons were. Two days
after the engagement the second troop of the regiment was 14th Aug.
disembarked from the transport in Montego Bay, and moved
up to the front. British dragoons have rarely been better
mounted than these detachments in Jamaica. The island is
famous for its horses ; and every trooper rode a thorough-
bred.

Mortified by his failure, Balcarres hurried up reinforcements
of militia and stores, the conveyance of the latter proving, from
the difficulty of the country, to be a frightful task. On the 1 8th
August he reoccupied the new town, unopposed, and on the
23rd moved with three columns under Colonels Fitch, Incledon,
and Hull, against the old town. The march was made at day-
break and in profound silence ; and the old town was duly
captured, as Balcarres fondly imagined, by surprise. The real
fact was that the Maroons, disliking the insecurity pf the towns,
had evacuated them a week before and withdrawn into the cock-
pits, leaving only a small alarm-post outside. These Maroon
sentries fired a few shots and wounded three men, two of them
troopers of the Seventeenth, and quietly retired upon their main
body. Balcarres then established a post and a block-house on the
site of the new town, occupied every approach, and set himself
to destroy all the Maroon provision grounds, with the idea of
cooping them up and starving them out. He might as well
have tried to pen a swarm of mosquitoes in a lion's cage. The
Maroons quietly passed out and burnt and plundered an estate
house six miles in rear of Balcarres's headquarters.

At the end of August the rainy season set in, and transport
became a matter of extreme difficulty. Balcarres himself returned
to Port Royal, and left to Colonel Fitch the duty of completing
the cordon round the Maroon district. Fresh obstacles cropped
up at every moment. The principal planters to the south-
west of the Maroon district, by which side access to it was
easiest, were relations of Major James, who took up his

81 G

History of the 1 7 th Lancers

^795- grievances warmly and laid themselves out to thwart the
Governor. One of these, a local Major-General , eighty years
of age, and recently married to a wife of twenty, took offence
because Balcarres appointed a regular Major-General to com-
mand the field force over his head. Another local Major-
General suddenly abandoned operations with his militia in the
middle of a concerted movement, on the remarkable ground
that he had promised his wife to return to her in a week, and
had already been absent ten days. It was only with the greatest
difficulty that the troops, exposed to most arduous service and
every possible hardship, could be kept supplied with food.
Frequently they passed the whole day without a morsel to eat.
To discourage them still further, the militia went home and left
the regulars to do all the work ; and, finally, the climax came
when the commanding officer, Colonel Fitch himself, was caught
1 2th Sept. in an ambuscade, and with two other officers shot dead.

The control of the operations was now entrusted to Colonel
Walpole, who at once hastened to Trelawney with all speed. He
found the troops sickly and dispirited, and worn out with inces-
sant duty. It was pretty clear that the idea of confining the
Maroons by a cordon was an absurdity, and that the destruction of
their provision ground only drove them oftener afield to massacre,
plunder, and destroy. After weeks of hard work the small
British force had lost two field officers and seventy men killed
in action alone, to say nothing of wounded, and men dead from
sickness and fatigue, while not a single Maroon was certainly
known to have been killed. The situation was becoming serious :
the negroes had begun to join the Maroons ; the French might
come at any moment ; and then there would be every likelihood
of a general revolt of the blacks against the whites, such as had
already taken place in the Windward Islands. Walpole soon
altered the whole plan of operations. He began by redistributing
his posts, so as to command the mouths of the cockpits, employing
negroes to clear away the jungle from the approaches and fi-om the
heights above them. He then set to work to train some of his men

The Maroon War in Jamaica

in the tactics of Maroon warfare, the essence of which was that men 1795.
should work together in pairs or groups, one man taking charge
of another's arms when he required both hands for climbing, and
that above all they should take advantage of cover. Walpole
had three infantry regiments with him ; but the men that he
chose for this work were the 1 7th Light Dragoons, and he did
not regret his choice. So the two troops of the Seventeenth were
dismounted and turned into mountaineer marksmen.

Colonel Walpole soon put his men into good heart by playing
off the Maroon trick of ambuscades against themselves ; for he
lay in wait for one of their foraging parties, cut it ofF, and
destroyed it to a man. A week later he sent a party of the Seven-
teenth along the right crest of the main cockpit in order to try and
discover some fresh entrance into it. The party soon encountered
the Maroons and became hotly engaged. The whole force of the
Seventeenth numbered but forty men, of whom a fourth had been
left in reserve under the command of a sergeant. Unfortunately,
when called up in support, this sergeant led his handful of men
straight into the mouth of the cockpit, where, of course, there was
a bullet ready for every one of them. The main body, however,
kept together, and was brought off in good order when compelled
to retire by want of ammunition. Of the forty men one ser-
geant and three men were killed, and nine men wounded — a pretty
heavy loss. None the less the Maroons were considerably dis-
mayed by this bold attack, for hitherto they had been accustomed
to lie hidden while the white men poured harmless volleys into
the unresisting mountains. Still more dismayed were they when
Walpole, having cleared the heights of jungle, managed by hook
or hy crook to get a howitzer in position and began to drop shells
into the cockpit. In a very short time the Maroons were driven
out of this favourite position, and compelled to withdraw to the
adjoining cockpit. This was a serious matter for them, for the
abandoned cockpit contained a spring of water. Walpole at once
followed them up with the howitzer and drove them out of their
second retreat. The Maroons then withdrew to a stupendous

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1795- height so as to be out of reach of the shells. But a young cornet
of the Seventeenth, Oswald Werge by name, saw one of the
Maroon women leave the height to draw water, followed her
unseen, and thus discovered the one path that led to the Maroon
position. By this path the Seventeenth advanced, and again drove
out the Maroons, who now retired down a very steep precipice
into a third cockpit, where there was a spring of water. The
Seventeenth occupied the abandoned height, and a detachment of
the 62 nd Foot under Colonel Hull marched into the virgin
fortress of Cudjoe. They were the first white men who had ever
penetrated into it, but they could never have entered it if the
Seventeenth had not cleared the way.

What time was occupied by these operations, and with what
loss to the Seventeenth, I have unfortunately been unable exactly
to determine. There seems to have been a critical action on the
15th December, to which General Walpole makes allusion, but
whereof no account can be found. All that is known is that thirty
men of the Seventeenth, together with ten of another regiment
(probably the 62nd) were posted so as to intercept the Maroons
in one of Walpole's concerted movements, the whole detachment
being under the command of a subaltern, who was not of the
Seventeenth. The Maroons, however, managed to surprise this
party, and shot down a certain number, including the officer, who,
being disabled by his wound, made over the command to Sergeant-
Major Stephenson of the Seventeenth. Stephenson was quite equal
to the occasion. Far from being dismayed, he rallied his men
and made a counter attack on the Maroons with a vigour that
astonished them. Such conduct would have been creditable at
any time, but it becomes particularly conspicuous when we'think
of the scare that had been created in Jamaica by the reputation
and first successes of the Maroons. Stephenson was offered a
commission in the infantry for his gallantry on this occasion, but
stuck to his own regiment, in the hope of gaining a commission in
the Seventeenth.
18th Dec. Three days after. Colonel Hull, still following up the Maroons

The Maroon War in Jamaica

with his little force of the Seventeenth and 62nd, fell in with them 1795.
strongly posted on a precipitous hillside. The British halted on
the acclivity over against them ; and both sides opened a heavy
fire. After about a dozen of the Maroons had fallen they ceased
firing and began to blow their horns, as if desirous of seeking a
parley. Thereupon the English fire was checked, and the
Maroons were then told that the Colonel would grant them peace.
For a long time they refiised to believe it until Mr. Oswald
Werge, of the Seventeenth, coolly threw down his arms, scrambled iSth Dec.
down to the valley below, and invited the Maroons to come and
shake hands. It was an act of uncommon courage, for both
sides, true to Maroon tactics, kept themselves carefully under
cover; and therefore the first man to show himself, however pacific
his intention, stood a good chance of being shot down. Werge's
coolness, however, saved him. The Maroons took courage. One
of them came down and shook hands with him, and presently
exchanged hats with him, which was the Maroon symbol of
perfect friendship. Thereupon it was agreed that hostilities
should cease, and that Colonel Walpole should be sent for ; and
it was stipulated that neither British nor Maroons should advance
until his arrival. Still neither force trusted the other ; and,
accordingly, the two tiny armies lay on their arms, weary, and
worn and thirsty, to glare at each other through the livelong
night. In the valley between them was a well ; but in order that
neither force should take an unfair advantage, it was agreed that
British and Maroons alike should post two sentries over it. At
length, however, the Maroons, unable longer to endure the agony
of thirst, begged that the British sentries might be withdrawn
while they drank, and engaged to withdraw their own in turn that
the British too might drink. So both sides came down to the
well and drank ; and then the guard was posted again, and the
rest returned to their arms. It must have been a strange scene, this
of the rival sentries over the spring in that savage rocky glen — on
the one side the wild negro of the mountain, his splendid athletic
form barely concealed by a few foul rags, on the other the trooper

History of the 17th Lancers

1795. of the Seventeenth, bronzed, and lean, and haggard after months
of harassing work, with his blue jacket faded, his white facings
weeks soiled, his white breeches and Hessian boots sadly the worse
for wear ; but always erect and alert, and proud in the consciousness
that he had beaten the dreaded Maroons on their own ground.
There must have been good discipline in these sixty-four men of
the Seventeenth and the fifty of the 62nd, seeing that with all the
burden of a tropical climate on their backs they had outstayed the
native mountaineers in the deliberate endurance of thirst within
sight of water.

This action ended the war. The Maroons surrendered to
Walpole, and submitted to beg His Majesty's pardon on their
knees, while Walpole on his side promised that they should not
be sent out of the island. This promise was violated by the
Jamaica Government, whereat Walpole was so disgusted that he
not only refused a sword of honour from the Jamaica Parliament,
but resigned his commission. Thus the Seventeenth never had a
chance of fighting under this gallant officer again. When he took
charge of the operations the Jamaica Government was in such
despair of quelling the Maroons that it actually imported a
hundred bloodhounds from Cuba to hunt them down. When
the hounds arrived the war was virtually over ; and Walpole,
in a letter to Lord Balcarres, has recorded to whom the credit
was due : —

I must not omit to mention to your Lordship that it is to the impres-
sion made by the undaunted bravery of the 17th Light Dragoons, who
were more particularly engaged on the 15th December, that we owe the
submission of the rebels. The Maroons speak of them with astonishment.
Mr. Werge was particularly signalised with the advanced guard, and the
sergeant-major of that regiment is strongly recommended for his spirit and
activity by the Commanding Officer, Mr. Edwards, who is in every way
deserving of your Lordship's opinion.

CHAPTER VIII

GRENADA AND ST. DOMINGO, I796

While these two troops of the Seventeenth were making a name 1795.
for the regiment in Jamaica, the remainder were very differently
engaged. On the 6th August four troops embarked at Cork, 189
men being present and 1 94 absent in Jamaica and elsewhere, and
sailed to Portsmouth, where they joined the cavalry camp at
Netley, under Lord Cathcart. On the 21st September (according
to the official record) they embarked for St. Domingo. From that
date, if it be correct, it is extremely difficult to trace them. They
formed part of the great expedition for the reconquest of the West
Indies beyond all doubt ; but that expedition did not sail until
November, when the huge fleet of transports, under the convoy of
Admiral Christian's squadron, was one of the most wonderful
sights ever seen by Englishmen. The ships were not clear of the
Channel before they were dispersed, many of them being lost, with
appalling loss of life, by a storm. The fleet, all that was left of it,
sailed again on the 9th December, and was again met by a storm,
greatly damaged, and compelled to return to Spithead on the 30th.
On the 26th December 100 transports were missing, of which no
one knew whether they were afloat or gone to the bottom. It
was not until the following March that Sir Ralph Abercromby, the
Commander-in-Chief of the expedition, after having been a third
time driven back to England by gales in February, contrived
finally to reach Barbados, the headquarters of the British forces in
the West Indies.

The Seventeenth, or at any rate some of them, appear to have

History of the 17th Lancers

'795- reached the West Indies earlier than this. Two troops were em-
ployed, we are told, as marines on board H.M.S. Hermioney the
ill-fated ship which in 1797 was the scene of one of the most dis-
graceful mutinies in the history of the British navy. Fortunately
the Seventeenth had no share in the massacre of officers and delivery
of the ship to the Spaniards, which make the name of the Hermione
a byword. The two troops were landed at Martinique ; but in
order to understand why they were needed there it is necessary to
glance at the history of the West Indies during the year 1795.

It has already been said that Mr. Pitt made early attack
on the French Antilles. In addition to the expedition to St.
Domingo, he in 1794 sent General Grey and Admiral Jervis to
reduce the French islands of Martinique and Guadeloupe, which
object they successfully accomplished. The adjacent islands
of Grenada and St. Vincent had already been surrendered to us
by France in previous wars, and were known as the French Ceded
Islands. In 1795, however, the French contrived to stir up
revolt against the English in the whole of these islands ; and as
in those days the French Revolutionists stuck at nothing, they
did not hesitate to rouse the whole negro population, free and
slave, against the British and ally themselves with it. The
result was a quasi-civil war of the most barbarous kind — in feet,
a turning loose of all the worst characters in the West Indies on
the track of massacre and plunder. The garrisons of the British
islands were so weak that in some cases, as in St. Lucia, they were
overpowered and in others pressed to extremity. Grenada being
the island wherewith the Seventeenth was engaged, it is necessary
to glance at the course of the revolt therein.

Grenada, like most of the West Indian Islands, is simply a
rugged, confused mass of volcanic hills, rising at their highest to
three thousand feet. For the most part it is covered with jungle,
but in the valleys and on the less precipitous ground the soil is
fertile, and grows fine crops of sugar-canes and cacao. In shape
the island is elliptical : it measures at its longest, from north to
south, about twenty miles ; at its broadest, from east to west, about

Grenada and St. Domingo

ten miles. There are two little ports, St. Andrews and Grenville, 1795-
on the windward or east side ; another at the north point,
Sauteurs; and two more on the leeward or western side, Char-
lottetown and St. George's, the capital. The garrison in 1795
consisted of 150 men of the 58th Foot, quartered in the barracks
at St. George's, and in the old fort, called Fort George, which still
commands the entrance to the harbour.

It was on the 2nd March 1795 ^^^^ ^^^ revolt broke out in
Grenada. None of the English had the least idea that it was
coming. The Governor himself had gone away on a trip to the
leeward side of the island, unconscious of any mischief. Before
the morning of the 3rd of March had dawned the negroes had
massacred the whites at Grenville Bay to windward, captured
those at Charlottetown to leeward, and held forty-two of them,
including the unlucky Governor, as prisoners in their hands.
The civilian next in rank to the Governor at once took com-
mand of the island, sent to Martinique, Barbados, and Trinidad
for assistance, and called out the local militia. This done he sent
the 150 men of the 58th, together with the militia, to attack the
insurgent post at Charlottetown. But when it came to the point
the militia was not to be found — every man had fled on board
the coasting vessels. The insurgents' position being very strong,
the 58th could not attack it, and were compelled to return to St.
George's.

On the 1 2th March General Lindsay arrived from St. Lucia 12th Mar.
(which as yet was still quiet) with 150 men of the 9th and
68th Foot, and on the 17th attacked the insurgents, who forth-
with retired to an impregnable position. Then the tropical rain
came down and put a stop to all further operations. There are
not many roads in Grenada now, and there were still fewer then
— mere narrow, cobble-paved tracks, hardly wide enough for any
wheeled vehicle. In fact these West Indies are miserable places
to fight in, as this poor handful of British soldiers now dis-
covered. Soaked with rain, exhausted by the stifling heat, and
broken down by fever, the men had to tramp back as best they

History of the 17 th Lancers

1795- could. General Lindsay in the delirium of fever committed
suicide, and his successor saw that without a stronger force it was
useless to attack the rebels. Meanwhile the head of the insur-
gents, a ruffianly mulatto named Fedon, issued a proclamation
threatening death to all who helped the English, and announcing
openly that he would retaliate for any measures of repression by
slaughtering his prisoners. As a natural consequence the negroes
flocked to his standard in thousands, and laid the whole island
waste.
i8t April. On the ist of April their arrived a weak reinforcement of the
25th and 29th Foot, probably about 400 men, from Barbados.
With these and a few blue-jackets Brigadier Campbell attacked the
insurgent stronghold on the 8th, but was repulsed. The rebel
position was of extraordinary strength, well chosen, well fortified
by abattis and other obstacles, and strongly manned. The
British troops did all that men could do, with everything —
numbers, climate, and tropical rain — against them ; but they
were compelled to retreat with the loss of 100 killed and
wounded. Fedon then brought out his prisoners and cut the
throat of every one.

Then, as usual, together with the rains came the yellow fever.
The British troops suffered frightfully. "The 25th and 29th
begin to fall down fast," says the General in a letter of nth May.
" Twenty died last week and six were carried off yesterday." So
things went from bad to worse. No reinforcements could be
obtained fi-om the other islands, for one and all (excepting Bar-
bados) were in a worse position than Grenada. St. Lucia had
been evacuated ; St. Vincent, after desperate fighting, was at the
last gasp. In fact it seemed as if the West Indies were lost to
England. By December the insurgent force in Grenada amounted
to 10,000 men, well armed, furnished with artillery, and led by
trained white French officers. The British troops, outnumbered
on every side, were compelled to abandon the ports which they
had tried to hold on the coast, and retire to St. George's. The
rebels, or brigands as they were called, threatened to attack them

Grenada and St. Domingo

even there. Nothing but the capture of the capital was wanting 1795.
to give them absolute possession of the whole island.

But at last the tide began to turn. The long-awaited rein- 1796.
forcements from England had arrived at Barbados, and the relief
of Grenada was at hand. On the 4th March 588 men from the
loth, 25th, and 88 th Foot, under Brigadier Mackenzie, arrived
at St. George's. They had lost 45 men in the course of a two
days' passage ; but their arrival was timely, for it compelled the
insurgents to retire from before the capital. A week later further
reinforcements from the 3rd, 8th, and 63rd Foot and the Seven-
teenth Light Dragoons landed at Sauteurs, at the extreme north
point of the island. What were the numbers of the Seventeenth
I have not been able to ascertain. One account says two troops,
and I am inclined to think that this is correct. Whence these troops
came, whether from England or Martinique, it is impossible to say.
On the 24th March, pursuant to the designs of Brigadier Camp-
bell, the forces at Sauteurs, 700 men in all, and those from St.
George's, converged — the former by land, the latter by sea — upon
the new position which the rebels had entrenched at Port Royal
or Grenville. The troops, having been landed, worked during
the night at the construction of a three^un battery, and opened
fire at daybreak next morning. But before attacking the main
position on the principal heights, it was necessary first to clear
some secondary heights adjoining them. For this duty the 25th Mar.
detachment of the 88th was detailed ; but such was the difficulty
of the ground that it was two hours before the 88th could even
get near the enemy, and when they reached them it was only to
be driven back. With great reluctance Campbell, who had made
his dispositions not only to drive the rebels out, but to cut them ofF
on every side, was compelled to bring up the 8th Foot to support
their attack. Just at that moment a few of the rebels sneaked
round to the rear of the British and set fire to the stores on the
beach ; and the conflagration was hardly extinguished when two
French schooners anchored in the bay and began to land troops
under cover of their artillery fire. Campbell saw that no time

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1796. was to be lost. Under a heavy cross fire from the rebel batteries
ashore, and the guns of the schooners afloat, the Seventeenth
charged down the beach and swept it clean, cutting down every
soul. They then rallied and took post under cover of a hill.
Meanwhile Campbell, quickly concentrating his infantry, led them
straight to the assault, and, not without a severe struggle, carried
the entrenchments by storm. The insurgents fled in all directions,
but they did not get off scot free ; for, as they emerged upon the
low ground, the Seventeenth swooped upon them and did great
execution. Three hundred brigands, mostly sans-culottes from
Guadeloupe, are said to have met their fate at the hands of the
regiment that day. No prisoners were taken : it was not a time
for taking prisoners ; and the survivors of the pursuit took refiige
in their original stronghold opposite Charlottetown. The total
British loss was 12 officers and 135 men killed and wounded.
The Seventeenth lost but 4 men wounded, one horse killed, and
two horses wounded; but the detachment, together with its
commander Captain John Black, was highly commended both
in orders and despatches for its behaviour in the action.

After this engagement nothing more was done for a time,
owing to the general confusion caused by the revolt. The
Seventeenth was moved to St. George's and quartered in
Government House, much to the disgust of the new Governor,
who arrived in April and wanted the house to himself. Mean-
while the main expedition under Sir Ralph Abercromby had at

17th Mar. last arrived from England and was concentrating at Barbados.
He turned his attention first to St. Lucia, which was recaptured
on the 24th May, and then to St. Vincent, which was finally

19th June, relieved on the loth June. A few days later he sent a force
to Grenada, which landed at Charlottetown and advanced upon
Morne Quaqua, the great rebel stronghold, from the west, while a
second column moved against it from the east. This Morne
Quaqua was a remarkable position. The rebel camp was on a
height at a considerable elevation, and above it rose a rocky
precipice accessible only by a narrow path, which path, together

Grenada and St. Domingo

with the lower ground beneath it, was commanded by a field-gun ^7$^-
and several swivels and wall-pieces. Above this rose another
bluff with another gun in position, and finally above this again,
at the head of a very steep ascent, came the summit. Felled
trees and abattis made good any points that nature might have
left unstrengthened. Nevertheless, the French commandant,
when he saw the advance of the British columns, lost heart
and surrendered. Fedon and the desperate faction thereupon led
out their English prisoners, some twenty in number, stripped them,
bound them, and murdered them. They then fled to the jungle,
where they were hunted down by the troops and hanged in twos
and threes. Fedon alone, most unfortunately, was never caught.
So ended the relief of Grenada, wherein the Seventeenth took
decidedly a leading part. How long the detachment remained
in the island it is impossible to discover, but probably not for
very long ; for by August, so far as can be gathered from
scattered notices, five troops of the regiment were at St. Domingo
and three at Jamaica. It is to these three latter that a muster-
roll taken in December 1796 most probably refers, — a ghastly
document wherein, unfortunately, the place of muster is not
mentioned. It shows that between 25th June and 24th December

1796, of —

12 sergeants 7 died,
116 privates 76 died,
2 trumpeters both died.

Thirty-seven men out of 130 died in a single week, and but
forty-five were left alive when the muster was taken. Captain
John Black, who had done so well in Grenada, was dead by July ;
one of the Lieutenant -Colonels, George Hardy, had died a
month before him. Such was yellow fever in the West Indies
a hundred years ago.

Of the services of the regiment in St. Domingo it has been
extremely difficult to gather any information, owing to the
absence of all St. Domingo despatches from the Record Office.
It would appear, however, that the Seventeenth was quartered at

History of the 17 th Lancers

1796. Jeremie under the orders of General Bowyer. The French, under
the command of the coloured man Rigaud, were very active,
in the spring of 1796, in attacking the various scattered posts
occupied by the British on the south-eastern promontory of St.
Domingo, round about Jeremie. In August, General Bowyer being

8th Aug. apprehensive of fiirther attack on these posts, sent Captain Whitby
with two subalterns and sixty rank and file of the Seventeenth,
dismounted, eastward to Caymites, en route for the two posts
named Fort Raimond and Du Centre. At this latter place they

lothAug. arrived on the lOth. Whitby had hardly time to send a small
detachment of the 1 3th Light Dragoons to Raimond, when that
post was attacked by the French, who were repulsed with severe
loss. Whitby then reinforced Raimond still further by a detach-
ment of twenty men of the Seventeenth under Lieutenant
Gilman, who took post in the block-house. On the 12th
the enemy were still before the block-house, keeping up a
heavy though not very effective fire, when Gilman at last
grew tired of it, sallied out with his twenty men of the
Seventeenth and a few Colonial irregulars, and drove them
off into the jungle. The French left a small field-gun behind
them, and sixty-three dead on the field, sixteen of whom were
whites. Many more dead and wounded were fouhd dead in
the jungle afterwards. '* I am happy to say," wrote General
Bowyer, "that in this gallant affair the Seventeenth had only
two privates wounded. Lieutenant Gilman's^ cool conduct and
intrepidity on this occasion seem to me so praiseworthy that
I should not do justice to my own feelings if I did not recom-
mend him for promotion."

Simultaneously Bowyer was under the necessity of raising the
siege of Irois, another post, which Rigaud had besieged for
eighteen days with 4000 men. Then hearing that the French
had taken up a strong position on a mountain called Morne
Gautier, to cut ofF communication between Irois and Jeremie,
he resolved to attack it. He therefore marched in three columns

^ This officer was not of the Seventeenth.

Grenada and St. Domingo

at daybreak on the i6th August, and opened fire at long range. 1795.
Seeing that the men of the Seventeenth, who formed part of his
force, were falling fast, he determined to carry the position by
assault, and had formed the Seventeenth for the purpose, when he
was disabled by a bullet which struck him in the left breast. None
the less the attack was made ; and though the British were driven
back the French retreated in the night, and Irois was saved. In
the course of these operations the Seventeenth lost about thirty
men killed and wounded, seven having been killed and fifteen
wounded in the attack on Morne Gautier alone. As only half
the regiment was in St. Domingo, and that half terribly reduced
by sickness, these losses cannot but represent at least a third, if
not more, of the numbers engaged.

With this the record of the Seventeenth in St. Domingo comes
to an end. What further work it may have done is buried in the
lost despatches and the lost regimental papers. There is a complete 1797.
muster-roll of the regiment dated Port Royal, 4th March 1797,
showing that 126 men died in the course of the year 1796 ; but
whether the regiment was moved thither from St. Domingo before
its return home, or whether it sailed home direct, must remain
uncertain. In any case it left the West Indies, and arrived in
England in August 1797. The bad luck at sea which had marked
the departure from England attended the passage home. The
headquarter ship, the Caledonia^ foundered at sea, and though the
men were saved the baggage and regimental books were lost.
Hence the scantiness of information respecting the first forty
years of the life of the regiment.

CHAPTER IX

1797-1807

OSTEND LA PLATA

1797. On landing in England the Seventeenth was distributed into
quarters at Nottingham, Leicester, Trowbridge, Bath, and Bristol.
The regiment was reduced to a mere skeleton. Four hundred
recruits and a draft from the 1 8th light Dragoons, however, soon
filled up the gaps and restored it to its strength. All ranks had
something new to learn. In 1796 a new drill -book, far more
ambitious than any that had yet appeared, was provided for
the cavalry ; and for the first time (so far as I have been able to
discover) a properly authorised system of sword exercise. The
drill shows little that is new, except that the system of telling ofl^
by threes now came into general use, and with it the practice
of executing all movements to the rear by means of "Threes
about." The interval of " six inches from knee to knee " in the
ranks also makes its appearance as the normal formation. A
further change is the reversion to the old practice of posting
troop leaders on the flanks of troops, dressing with the men,
and covered by a corporal in the rear rank.

As regards sword exercise we must content ourselves with
observing that we encounter for the first time the once famous
" six cuts." The recruit was posted in front of a wall on which
was drawn a circle ; and he was then taught that each of the
six cuts required of him should intersect at the centre of the
circle, and divide it into six equal segments. I do not mean that
the unhappy man was tortured by any such abstruse terms as

Ostend

these, but that this was the principle on which the six cuts were 1797.
based. In addition, there was a seventh cut, directed vertically, so
to speak, from heaven to earth, and called by the high-sounding
name of St. George. These seven cuts are still familiar to
hundreds of living men. The whole of the sword exercise was
comprehended in no fewer than six divisions, each containing
from seven to ten words of command, and must therefore have
consumed considerable time. It may be remarked that, when
cutting the sword exercise on foot, the men were not required to
extend their legs as at present, though they kept the bridle hand
in the bridle position. The swords themselves were perhaps the
most defective part of the whole concern, and caused great com-
plaint among the Light Dragoons in the Peninsula. The pattern
was bad, and the material was bad ; and common sense was so
absolutely ignored in the design that the hilt was not even
provided with a guard. Before quitting the question of drill,
it is well to remind readers that dismounted drill still occupies
a prominent place in the training of the Light Dragoons ; and
the words " Form battalion " and " Fix bayonets " are still in
full use.

In 1798 the regiment was moved to Canterbury, where it 1798.
made the acquaintance of a naval officer who was destined to
exert some influence on a part of its career. This was Captain,
afterwards Sir Home, Popham. Just then he was full of a scheme
for blowing up the lock-gates of the Bruges Canal, which lock-
gates were situated at Saas, a village just a mile from the entrance
to Ostend harbour. The canal itself from Bruges to Saas was
thirteen miles long, one hundred yards wide, and thirteen feet
deep, and had recently been completed at a cost of five millions.
For the invasion of England it was of great importance to the
enemy ; for any number of vessels could be fitted up therein
and brought down to Ostend without risk of facing the British
cruisers at sea. If an invasion were intended, Ostend was
obviously the best port of embarkation for the invading army ;
and even if the project of a descent on England should prove

97 H

History of the 17th Lancers

1798. to be no more than a scare, the destruction of the lock would
at any rate spoil a seaport and stop all internal navigation from
Holland to West Flanders.
April. So Captain Popham argued ; and his arguments were held
to be good. Accordingly the whole plan of operation was
entrusted to him ; and preparations for the little expedition
went forward with the utmost secrecy all through the month
of April. By the second week in May everything was ready,
and on the 13th the troops were embarked at Margate on seven
transports. The force consisted of four companies of the ist
Guards, the flank companies of the Coldstream Guards, 3rd
Guards, 23rd, and 49th Foot ; the i ith Foot, artillerymen with
six guns, and, lastly, one sergeant and eight] men of the 17th
Light Dragoons, the only mounted men of the expedition. On

i6thMay. the moming of the i6th May the little fleet got a fair wind
and sailed away, arriving, without further mishap than leaving
the 1st Guards hopelessly astern, in Ostend at i a.m. on the

19th May. 1 9th. For a time everything went like clockwork. Sir Eyre
Coote, who commanded the expedition, summoned the French
commander at Ostend to surrender, as a feint, to make him
believe the town was the object of attack. Then having received
a high-flown reply, and seen all the French troops drawn into
Ostend, he quietly landed his men on the opposite side of the
river, and blew up the lock-gates with the greatest success.
By II A.M. Coote was back on the beach and anxious to
re-embark, having accomplished his object with the trifling loss
of five men killed and wounded. But meanwhile a gale had
sprung up, and the surf was so great that re-embarkation was
impossible. After several futile attempts, in which boats were
swamped and the men nearly drowned, Coote decided to entrench
himself where he lay and wait for better weather.

20th May. At four o'clock next morning, when the wind and surf had
considerably increased, the enemy was seen advancing in two
columns, with far superior numbers, against Coote's position.
Outnumbered and outflanked the British force fought for two

Ostend

hours against hopeless odds, until Coote was wounded while 1798.
rallying the nth Foot. Then General Burrard, the second in
command, seeing the front broken and both flanks turned, was
compelled to surrender. Of the 11 00 men landed, 163 were
killed and wounded, and the rest of course taken prisoners. Of
the nine men of the Seventeenth, one was wounded. So
exemplary had been their behaviour, we are told, that when,
shortly after, they were exchanged and returned to the regiment, 1799.
every man of them was promoted to be a non-commissioned
officer, while the sergeant, William Brown, was given a com-
mission, first in the waggon train and latterly in the regiment.
As usual the non-commissioned officer of the Seventeenth, when in
independent command, brings credit to his corps.

In this same year two squadrons of the regiment were ordered
to Portsmouth to embark for Egypt, but, the order having been
countermanded, the whole regiment joined a large cavalry camp
then formed at Swinley. In the following year another camp 1800.
of 30,000 men was formed on Bagshot Heath under the com-
mand of the Duke of York, of which the regiment again formed
part. In September it was employed in suppressing riots which
had arisen in consequence of the high price of provisions.
While engaged in this service many men were badly knocked
about, and Captain Werge, who had escaped without injury fi'om
such deadly marksmen as the Maroons, narrowly escaped death
at the hands of his own countrymen, receiving a shot through
his helmet. Two troops having been added to the establish*
ment, the regiment paraded in its greatest recorded strength at
Manchester in the following year — upwards of 1000 non-com- 1801.
missioned officers and men, and nearly 1000 horses, being present.
Colonel Grey was the fortunate officer who held command, and
we must hope that Major-General Oliver Delancey, the Colonel-
in-Chief, who alone could remember the regiment before it went
to the American War, went up to inspect so fine a corps.
Unfortunately this magnificent strength did not last long.
In May 1802, England and France, being both of them 1802.

History of the 17 th Lancers

1 802. exhausted after nine years' fighting, agreed to the peace of Amiens.
Thereupon, with the usual blindness, the army was reduced,
and two troops of the Seventeenth were disbanded. Their horses
were valued by a dealer at forty guineas apiece, a larger price in
those days than in these, which shows that the regiment must
have been superbly mounted.^

1803. Peace lasted for just fourteen months ; and then in May
1803 England took the initiative and declared war against
France. On the ist of that month the Seventeenth embarked
from Liverpool for Ireland. It met with its usual luck at sea on
the passage, the transports being dispersed by a gale which
drove them into various ports on the East Coast, and permitted
but one immediately to reach its destination at Dublin. In

1804. the course of the following year the establishment was again
augmented to ten troops, four of which joined the camp at the
Curragh, where a large force was assembled under the command
of Lord Cathcart. This Lord Cathcart, let us remember, was an
officer of the Seventeenth during the American War ; he is the
same man who commanded the expedition against Copenhagen
in 1807, when Sir Arthur Wellesley himself served under him.

1805. The following year is memorable for the formation of Napoleon's
camp of invasion at Boulogne. Napoleon's hopes having been
shattered by Nelson*s victory at Trafalgar (12th October), he
broke up the camp and marched away to the campaign of Ulm
and Austerlitz. Previous to these two great disasters there had
been some idea of a diversion to be made by an English army
on the Continent; and in September the Seventeenth received
orders to prepare for foreign service as part of this force. But
Austerlitz effectually smothered this design. In December the
regiment was moved back to England, and spent Christmas day
on the passage, the first of four successive Christmas days that
it was destined to celebrate on the sea.

1806. The year 1806 opened gloomily with the death of William

^ This year i8oz alio witneMed the introduction of the chevron on the tleevei of non-com-
missioned officers.

100

La Plata

Pitt, the great man whose indomitable spirit had carried 1806.
England through the first and worse half of the tremendous
contest against France. The want of his guiding hand was
soon to be badly felt.

The month of March brought a nearer occasion of mourning
to the Seventeenth. On the 20th there died at the Plantation,
Guisbrough, in Yorkshire, General John Hale, the father of
the regiment. He had been promoted Major-General in 1772,
Lieutenant-General in 1777, and General in 1793, and, it seems,
had settled down to end his days among his wife's people.
In his long life of seventy-eight years he had seen the rise of
William Pitt, " the terrible cornet of horse," and the death of
his son William Pitt, "the pilot who weathered the storm."
He left behind him seventeen children and the Seventeenth Light
Dragoons.

Just about this time unfavourable reports of the regiment
found their way to headquarters, insomuch that a general was April.
sent down to Northampton to inspect it. Rather to his
surprise this officer found that, so far from being unfit for active
service, the regiment was the best in the matter of men and
horses, drill and equipment, that he had seen. He reported
accordingly to headquarters, with results that were speedily
apparent.

In September, the regiment being then distributed in quarters
at Brighton, Hastings, Romney, Rye, and other points on the south-
east coast, there arrived suddenly one night an express message
ordering the Seventeenth to prepare forthwith for foreign service.
Its route, it was added, would be sent down immediately. On
the 27th September the regiment marched to Portsea and 27th Sept.
Southampton, and having detached two troops to Chichester as
a depot, gave up its horses and embarked on the 5th October
at Spithead, bound for South America. It must now be explained
where and why it was wanted.

On the 4th January 1806, just when the Seventeenth was dis-
embarking in England from Dublin, there arrived oflT the Cape

lOI

History of the 17 th Lancers

1806. of Good Hope 4000 British troops under Sir David Baird,
convoyed by a squadron under Commodore Sir Home Popham.
The troops were landed ; and in less than three weeks the Cape
Colony had passed from the Dutch into the hands of the English
for ever. Before he sailed, Sir Home Popham, always a busy
man, had become greatly bitten with the idea of an attack on
the Spanish possessions in Central and South America, that is
to say, on any part of Central and South America except Brazil,
which was a Portuguese Colony. He had held many conversa-
tions with one General Miranda, a native of Venezuela, who
was at the head of a revolutionary movement against the
dominion of Spain in South America, and had promised that
if the British would send a force thither the whole population
would rise and fight at their side against Spain. It was the old
story which had taken the English to the Carolinas in 1781,
and to St. Domingo in 1793, with most disastrous results. But
Popham, forgetting these two lessons, continually urged upon
the English Government the project of an attack on South
America, and even drew up a complete plan of operations for
descent on the continent from the Atlantic and Pacific sides
simultaneously.

The date of this plan is October 1 804. The memorandum
had been before the British Government for more than a vear,
and had received little or no notice. At three months' distance
from England, with men and ships to his hand, and no one in
command over him, Popham persuaded Baird to let him have
Brigadier- General Beresford (afterwards well known in the Pen-
insular War as Marshal Beresford) and 900 men ; and with
14th April, these and his squadron he sailed away for Rio de la Plata, to take
Buenos Ayres on his own responsibility. At first everything went
well. The force, strengthened by 200 more men picked up at St.
Helena, duly arrived in the Plata, and disembarked on the 25th
June at a point ten miles below Buenos Ayres. From thence, in
spite of Spanish troops in greatly superior numbers that were
drawn up to oppose him, Beresford marched practically unchecked

102

La Plata

and unhindered into the city, and on the following day received 1806.

. 26th June.

Its surrender.

For seven weeks Beresford held Buenos Ayres, the people
swearing allegiance to King George, and doing everything in the
way of promises that was asked of them, — all of which did not
prevent them from rising en masses when their preparations were
complete, and attacking Beresford with unmistakable fury. With
but 1300 men against 13,000, Beresford fought for three hours 12th Aug.
and inflicted heavy loss on the enemy, but having lost 1 2 officers
and 150 men, he was at length compelled to surrender. The
Spaniards agreed to his proposals that he and his army should be
shipped oflT to England forthwith ; and there it might have been
supposed that the whole matter would have ended. But it was
not to be. The Spaniards most treacherously violated the treaty,
and carried oflT Beresford and the whole of his army into the
back country as prisoners.

On the first capture of Buenos Ayres Popham had, of course,
sent despatches home to report his success. The Government,
however, was, for various reasons, much annoyed and embarrassed
at Popham's escapade, and responded by ordering him to England
and trying him by court-martial. Still the nation at large was so
delighted at the exploit that the Government, after much hesita-
tion, was forced to send out reinforcements under Sir Samuel
Auchmuty. Auchmuty's instructions bade him simply make
good Beresford's losses and await further reinforcements, failing
the arrival of which he was to proceed with his troops to the
Cape. At one moment in August the whole expedition was
countermanded; but finally the Government made up its mind
and decided, on 22nd September, to despatch it. This vacillation
accounts for the very* short and sudden warning received by the
Seventeenth. The whole force under Auchmuty 's command
numbered 3000 men, viz. the Seventeenth, 700 strong; the 87th
and 40th regiments of Foot ; three companies of the 95th (now
the Rifle Brigade), and 170 Artillery. The transports finally
sailed from Falmouth on the 9th October, the British Govern-

103

History of the 17 th Lancers

1806. ment being still in ignorance of the loss of Buenos Ayres and of
the capture of Beresford's army.

The haste in the equipment of the expedition soon showed
itself in various ways. The transports were such miserable sailers
that, long before they reached their destination, they ran short of
water, and were obliged to put in at Rio Janeiro. There Auchmuty
heard of Beresford's disaster, and further of the arrival of a small
reinforcement of the 47th and 38th Foot, which had been sent
from the Cape to the Plata, and had taken up a position at
Maldonado, a town standing at the entrance to the river on the
north side. Not knowing what to do, Auchmuty victualled his
ships for four months and started off again for Maldonado, where
5th Jan. he arrived at last, after a passage of 147 weary days, on the 5th
January.

Finding that Maldonado was an untenable position, Auchmuty
13th Jan. evacuated it a week later and sailed up the river. The retention
of Beresford's army was an act of treachery which called for
reprisals, and these he resolved to take by attacking Monte
Video, which stands on the north bank of the river, on the
opposite side to Buenos Ayres, and some one hundred and twenty
miles below it. On the 1 6th he landed in a small bay to west
of Caretas Rocks, nine miles from Monte Video, the enemy
watching the disembarkation in great force, but not daring to
oppose it. Three days later Auchmuty began his advance upon
Monte Video in two columns, the right column being made up
of the Seventeenth, two troops of the 20th, and as many of the
2 1 St Light Dragoons, all of them dismounted, under Brigadier-
General Lumley. The Seventeenth had previously exchanged
their carbines for Spanish muskets, which had been obtained
at Rio Janeiro. This right column was early attacked by the
enemy and threatened by 4000 Spanish cavalry, which occupied
two heights in the front and right of Auchmuty 's advance. The
attack, however, was soon repulsed by the dismounted cavalry and
the light companies of the infantry ; and the enemy retired,
allowing the British advanced posts to occupy the suburbs of

104

La Plata

Monte Video on the same evening. Auchmuty himself had his 1807.
horse shot under him while directing this column, and remounted
himself on Colonel Evan Lloyd's charger.

Next day the enemy took the initiative, sallying forth against 20th jan.
Auchmuty's force with 6000 men and several guns. This time
they attacked the British left and left flank with cavalry, using
their infantry to keep the dismounted cavalry in check. After
driving in the picquets the Spanish infantry column was repulsed
with great slaughter, and the cavalry then retired. The enemy's loss
in this action was reckoned at 1 500. The English loss between
the 1 6th and 20th was 18 killed and 119 wounded of all ranks.

Arrived before the town, Auchmuty discovered that the
defences of Monte Video were not '*weak," as Popham had
described them in his memorandum, but, to use Auchmuty's own
word, " respectable," mounting 1 60 guns. Moreover the Spaniards,
through possession of a fortified island, kept command of the sea,
and were able to cannonade the British advance from their gun-
boats. Nevertheless, Auchmuty was fully decided that he would
take Monte Video somehow. While he was making up his mind
how to do it the enemy appeared on his rear, but was repulsed
after a sharp skirmish, in which the Seventeenth lost a few men.
After a few days' construction of batteries and other preparations, 22nd jan.
Auchmuty saw that if Monte Video was to be taken it must be
stormed, and accordingly made his dispositions for an assault at
daybreak on the 3rd February. Naturally he chose infantry
regiments for infantry work, and left the Seventeenth, together
with the rest of the cavalry, the 47th Foot, one company of the
71st, and 700 marines to protect the rear and cover the attack,
under the command of General Lumley. The storming force 3rd Feb.
did its work magnificently, and in a few hours Monte Video was
in Auchmuty's hands, though at the cost of 27 officers and 370
men killed and wounded.

Horses being cheap, some of the Seventeenth were now
mounted, doubtless a very welcome change from the drudgery of
the infantry work during the siege of Monte Video ; though even

105

History of the 17 th Lancers

1807. when employed on foot the regiment earned the personal thanks
of the General. The Seventeenth had shown that it could beat the
infantry at its own work in Jamaica eleven years before. But the
native South American horses, as Auchmuty hirtiself says, were
not strong enough to carry the equipment of the British dragoons.
The native irregular horsemen, armed with muskets and swords,
pursued a method of warfare of the most harassing kind. They
would ride up in twos or threes, dismount, fire over their horses'
backs, mount again, and gallop off before the British had a chance
of catching them. And these men were not soldiers ; they were
the ordinary members of the population, not friendly as Popham
had hoped, but inveterately hostile to the European invaders.
In fact the British on the Plata found exactly the same elements
opposed to them in New Spain as Napoleon was to find,
a few months later, in the old Spain which is known to us
March, as the Peninsuk. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining forage,
the mounted men of the Seventeenth, some 220 in number,
were sent up the country forty or fifty miles from Monte Video
to Lanelones and St. Joseph, while the remainder of the regi-
ment was quartered in and about Monte Video.

Meanwhile, since the departure of General Auchmuty, the
British Government had committed itself to the project of a general
attack on Spanish South America. Sir Arthur Wellesley himself
was called upon to give advice respecting it. Finally, on the
30th October General Craufurd (the famous Craufurd of the
Light Division) was ordered off with 4000 men, with instructions
to take Lima and Valparaiso on the Pacific coast, and to open
communications with Beresford across the continent when Val-
paraiso was in his hands. Craufiird sailed on the 13th December
1806, arrived at Porto Praya on the nth January 1807, waited
for several weeks there in vain for the admiral who was to go
with him, and at last in despair sailed for the Cape, where he
arrived on the 20th March. There he found orders to join
Auchmuty at Buenos Ayres, and accordingly sailed thither on
the 5th April. The confusion caused by the eflforts of the

106

La Plata

British Government to manage a campaign at from three to six 1807.
months' distance from England, can be appreciated only by those
who have read the original despatches.

In February there arrived in the Plata a reinforcement con-
sisting of the 9th Light Dragoons, a fact worth noting, inasmuch
as this is the only occasion on which this great regiment, the first
of the Lancer raiments, has fought side by side with the Seven-
teenth. The 1 6th and Seventeenth fought together in their youth
in America. Thus after unspeakable confusion a large British force
was at last in process of concentration on the Plata. And now the
Government in an evil hour decided to put another commander
over the heads of Craufurd and Auchmuty, and chose for the
purpose General John Whitelocke. He arrived on the i oth May,
and found that Auchmuty had already seized the town of Colonia,
immediately opposite to Buenos Ayres, so as to make the passage
across the river as short as possible. A month later Craufurd isthjune.
arrived, and next day the Seventeenth and the artillery were
embarked at Monte Video, while the rest of the army moved up
to Colonia to embark there. Devoutly thankful the Seventeenth
must have been to get to serious business again. Forage was
terribly scarce for the horses, and flour hardly less scarce for the
men, though bullocks could be bought for a dollar a head.

The passage up the river was delayed by contrary winds, but
at last the hundred miles were traversed, and the troops landed
at Ensenada, thirty miles below Buenos Ayres. The moment the
army was disembarked it was surrounded by a cloud of Spanish
light cavalry hovering about just out of musket range. Here was
the opportunity for using the Seventeenth ; but it was not employed.
Two of the four mounted troops, each of forty men, were ordered 28th june
to give up their horses to the commissariat. But when the pack-
saddles were put on them the horses broke loose, and were from
that moment useless. Thirty more mounted men were detailed to
look after the landing of provisions, of whom ten were used as
orderlies to carry despatches. Twelve more were attached to one
of the infantry brigades ; and the remainder, forty-eight all told,

107

History of the 17 th Lancers

1807. accompanied General Whitelocke, principally, no doubt, as his
escort. The natural consequence was that the army could hardly
advance at all. One staff officer was taken prisoner by the enemy's
light cavalry while carrying orders between two brigades, and
another was stabbed within three hundred yards of the flank of
the British line, all for want of a little cavalry which, with un-
speakable folly, had been dismounted just when it was most sorely
needed to encounter the enemy's horse.

On the 29th June the advance began, across a very difficult
country, much intersected by ditches and swamps, the dismounted
men of the Seventeenth forming the rear-guard. The army was
like to have been starved on this short march, but eventually it
reached Buenos Ayres, after brushing aside some slight opposition
from the Spaniards on the 4th July. Part of the Seventeenth
and 40th Foot were left behind at the village of Reduction on the
way, to protect the artillery. Sixteen of them, mounted men,
together with thirty dismounted men of the 9th, were engaged in
repelling an attack on the rear of the British advance.

3rd July. On the 3rd July General Whitelocke managed to lose his
army; but on the next day he found it again, and on the 5th

5th July. July made his attack on the city. That is to say, that he sent 6000
men up fourteen different streets through three miles of a hostile
town, with strict orders not to fire until they reached the far end.
What is more, the 6000 men did it. Nearly every street was
entrenched and defended with cannon ; every house was strongly
barricaded and a fortress in itself; from every roof came a shower
not only of bullets but of stones, bricks, and tiles, and every
description of missile. Nevertheless the men did fight their way
to the other end of the town without firing a shot ; but by the
time they had reached their allotted positions 1 000 of them were
down, and 1500 more, Craufurd himself among them, had been
overpowered and compelled to surrender. Nevertheless Auch-
muty on the left held a strong position, to which many men had
rallied, where he had captured 32 guns and 600 prisoners; and with
him sixteen mounted men of the Seventeenth, together with some

108

La Plata

infantry, opened communication, through all the fire, from the 1807.
reserve. On the extreme right the British also held a strong
position, and thither also some mounted men of the Seventeenth
made their way from Reduction, to keep in touch with the city.
But all was to no purpose. Next day Whitelocke came to terms
with the Spaniards, and agreed to withdraw every British soldier
from the country.

So ended the ill-fated expedition to the Plata. Whitelocke
was tried by court-martial on his return, and cashiered. The
British in any case could hardly have kept a hold on the country;
but Popham's error was no excuse for Whitelocke's mismanagement.
This was the third time in fifty years in which the Seventeenth
was sent on a fool's errand to a country where the population
was expected to receive them with open arms, and met them in
fact with loaded muskets. Carolina in 1781, St. Domingo in
1796, and the Plata in 1806, were all part of one great blunder ;
and for all three the Seventeenth suffered. It is not a soldier's
business when sent on active service to inquire as to the
wisdom or unwisdom of the statesmen who send him. He
must simply obey orders, and do his duty. But it is hard when
years of good and gallant service by a regiment are buried
under the cloud of a statesman's blunder ; and this has been
the fate of the Seventeenth.

109

CHAPTER X

FIRST SOJOURN OF THE I7TH IN INDIA, 1808-1823 THE

PINDARI WAR

1807. The army evacuated the Plata in November. The Seventeenth
was driven by stress of weather into Cork Harbour, and thus spent

1808. their second consecutive Christmas Day on shipboard. Leaving
Cork early in January »it sailed to Portsmouth, disembarked on
the 17th, and joined the depot troop at Chichester, where it re-
mained for six weeks dismounted under orders for the East Indies.
Every man who asked for a furlough within a hundred miles of
London obtained it ; and this was well, for there were not many
of them that saw their homes again. Still, though the furlough
was extended to the 20th February, every man, with the exception
of one detained by sickness, was present at the expiration of the
term. Moreover, though the men had money in their pockets,
having arrears of pay due to them on their return, there was not a
single case of misconduct at Chichester ; and that meant a great
deal in these hard-drinking days. The men had gone through
much since they were last in England — 147 days at sea in
miserable transports, most of the time within the tropics;
then a campaign with plenty of hardships and very little
glory, wherein their horses were taken from them just .when
they could have been most useful ; then a two months' passage
home in bad weather, and the mortification of landing as
part of an unsuccessful army, and unsuccessful through no fault
of its own. Finally it was under orders to sail in six weeks to the
East Indies, a very deadly quarter to Europeans in those. days.

First Sojourn of the 17th in India

The Mayor and Corporation of Chichester could not understand 1808.
how a regiment in such circumstances could spend ^^3000 in the
town in six weeks without a single instance of misbehaviour, and
went so far as to express their thanks to the Seventeenth for its 29th Feb.
exemplary conduct.

A few days later the regiment embarked at Portsmouth,
800 strong, under the command of Major Cotton ; Lieutenant-
Colonel Evan Lloyd being detained to give evidence on General
Whitelocke's court-martial. On the ist of June it arrived at
the Cape of Good Hope, where it found one of its old 4th June.
colonels, Major-General H. G. Grey, and was inspected by him.
From the Cape the regiment sailed for Calcutta. As it was
approaching the Hugli one of the transports, the Hugh Inglis^
was set on fire by the carelessness of a petty officer, but the fire
was extinguished without serious damage. Next day the three
topmasts were carried away by a squall, and swept fourteen or fifteen
men overboard with them, of whom, however, all but one were
saved. The Seventeenth has gone through a good many adventures
at sea between gales, founderings, fires, and service as marines.

On the 25th August the regiment was disembarked at
Calcutta, 790 men strong, and did garrison duty in Fort William
until December ; during which time Major Cotton, the regimental
quartermaster, and sixty-two non-commissioned officers and men,
fell sick and died — a melancholy opening to its first term of Indian 1809.
service. In the following year it was placed on the Bombay
establishment, and sailing from Calcutta arrived at Bombay on the
1st February. From thence it was moved up to its destined
quarters at Surat on the Tapti River, some two hundred miles
north of Bombay. Two galloping guns worked by its own men
were added, as was usual, to the establishment ; and by a con-
currence of testimony the regiment was excellently mounted.

Early in 18 10 the Seventeenth was employed on a rather
curious service. At the end of 1809 there was a sudden rising
of religious fanatics in Mandavi under the leadership of a
man named Mean Abdul Rahman, who killed the vizier of

III

History of the 17 th Lancers

1809. Mandavi, and put the rajah to flight. The leader then sent a
message to the English Resident, ordering him to accept
Mohammedanism or fight. He added that he was come down to
earth in the bodies of four great men, Adam, Jesus, Ahmad and
Mean Abdul Rahman, and concluded with a request for three
hundred rupees. Absurd as the matter sounds, it soon assumed a

1810. serious aspect. The news of the rising reached Surat on the loth
January, and the people at once flocked out from the city to join
the new prophet. The Mohammedans in general began to
assume a threatening attitude, and attacked the Hindoos with the
cry of "Deen." In feet there were the elements of a troublesome
disturbance, which in the judgment of the Resident required to be
suppressed at once. Accordingly four troops of the Seventeenth,
under Major Supple, and some infantry were -called out and
marched oflF" to the village of Boodham, where the prophet and the
most devoted of his followers were assembled. The Seventeenth
outmarched the infantry, and came up with the fanatics at day-
break on the morning of the 19th January on the plain outside
the village. The fanatics were summoned to surrender and give
up their leader ; but they replied with shouts of defiance. A
feint attack was then made to intimidate them ; but they simply
threw up clouds of dust in the horses* faces and dared the
Seventeenth to the combat. Then the regiment attacked in
earnest, and there ensued what the Resident called a "furious
engagement." The fanatics were armed with spears and small
hatchets attached to bamboo shafts, twelve or fourteen feet
long, with which they could inflict severe wounds ; and they
fought like demons. If the Seventeenth had had lances in these
days they might have made short work of them ; but, as things
were, the fighting lasted for some time. It was not until 200
of the fanatics lay dead on the field that the bulk of them dis-
persed and fled to the village, where, still undefeated, they
renewed the fight against the infantry and artillery. Finally
the Seventeenth set fire to the village and put an end to the
afl^ir ; and the leader of the fanatics, having been wounded

112

First Sojourn of the 17th in India

in the first action, was captured by the infantry. Of the Seven- 18 10.
teenth, one corporal and two privates were killed ; all the officers,
several privates and many of the horses were wounded. Lieutenant
Adams* helmet was cut to pieces on his head.

In this same year a detachment of the Seventeenth, under
Lieutenant Johnson, accompanied Brigadier -General Sir John
Malcolm on his mission to Persia. On its return in December this
detachment brought with it a letter from Sir John to the Colonel,
in which the former went out of his way to express his high opinion
not only of Mr. Johnson, but of the non-commissioned officers.
Sergeant Willock and Corporals Carrigan and Batson, who were
with him. It is remarkable to note that non-commissioned officers
of the Seventeenth, employed with small detachments, have never
failed from the first to command the admiration of all strange
officers whom it has been their duty to serve. A curious
memorial of this escort was found in the ruins of Persepolis
by an officer of the regiment (Lieutenant Anstruther Thomson,
now Captain Anstruther) while travelling in 1888. Scratched
on one of the lions at the head of the main stairway are
the death's head and cross-bones with the motto, and beneath it
the name " Serg^- Rob^- Willock " ; and on the wall of Xerxes'
house is cut the name of " P«- M. Cloyne, 17 L. D^- 18 10."

Before we quit this year we must add two small extracts
(copied from the Calcutta Gazette) from the Dress Regulations,
which gives us a faint glimpse of the transition through which the
British Army was passing : —

10th October, — Clubs and queues are abolished in all ranks from this
date, and the hair is in future to be cut close to the neck. No powder is
to be worn on duty.

This is the first beginning of the short hair, which now
particularly distinguishes a soldier. Old as the queues were, the
whole Army was delighted to be rid of them, though there were
antique officers that regretted them to the end. At the beginning
of the great war with France the War Office, which was decidedly

113 I

History of the 17 th Lancers

1 8 10. negligent in the matter of feeding the troops in Flanders, never
failed to send them shiploads of leathern queues.

Sth November. — Scale epaulettes are to be worn exclusively by officers
of cavalry.

No shoulders have seen more vicissitudes of adornment than
those of the British officer.

181 1. In December of the following year the regiment left Surat for
new cantonments at Ruttapore, near Kaira, in the northern

18 1 2. division of Guzerat. On the ist of January following Lieutenant-
Colonel Evan Lloyd was promoted to be Major-General, and
retired from the command. He was the last of the officers
then doing duty with the regiment who had served with it in
the American War. His successor was the Hon. Lincoln
Stanhope, who came from the i6th Lancers, and was blamed by
his brother officers in that corps, not without justice, for preferring
" an arduous campaign in Bond Street " to duty with his regiment
in the Peninsula. None the less he did good service enough with
the Seventeenth.

The year 1 8 1 2 brought with it a further change in the cloth-
ing. The cord lacing and the innumerable buttons that had
adorned the front of the jacket were abolished, and another jacket
with broad, white facings, almost as wide as a plastron, was
substituted in its stead. Simultaneously the old helmet dis-
appeared and the felt shako took its place. The old white
breeches and knee-boots were likewise swept away to make room
for French gray overalls, with a double white stripe, and
Wellington boots. These last may perhaps have been introduced
rather earlier than the other changes ; the Wellington boot,
according to one authority, having been prescribed for Light
Dragoons in 1808. The old crimson sash of the officer made
way for a girdle similar to that worn at present. White welts to
the seams and a small pair of epaulettes, white for men and silver
for officers, completed the transformation. When the Seventeenth
received this new dress it is impossible to say ; and the

114

First Sojourn of the 17th in India

change is therefore recorded under the year when it was 18 12.
ordered, though probably not carried into effect until a year
or two later. The fact that the regiment was quartered in India,
of course, made in those days no difference as to the clothing
issued to it, except that white covers were worn over the shakos.

In September there arose a mighty famine m Guzerat, which
carried ofl^ thousands of natives. Simultaneously there broke out
an epidemic fever which was as fatal to Europeans as to natives.
In the four months, October 18 12 to January 18 13, four officers
and 73 men of the Seventeenth were swept oflF" by this fever ;
yet even this was a small matter to those who could remember
the ravages of yellow fever in the West Indies.

In the three following years strong detachments of the 181 3
regiment were employed in active service, apparently in ex- 1815.
peditions against diflferent hill-tribes. Of the work done I have
been unable to discover any record, such expeditions being too
common in the early days of British rule in India to excite much
interest. In December 181 5 the regiment took part in an
expedition into the mountains of Cutch, whither no British
troops had hitherto penetrated. On the march they crossed
the Ran of Cutch, which separates Guzerat from the Cutch
peninsula, and being in the advanced guard were the first English
soldiers to cross it. The Ran being, from all accounts, merely
a bed of sand which comparatively lately had been the bottom
of a sea, the accounts of the march and the description of the
country filled the Indian newspapers of the period. The news
of Waterloo and of the close of the great war was exhausted,
so a graphic picture of the Ran was welcome.

The capture of a couple of hill forts, Aujar and Bhooj, soon 1816
quieted Cutch ; and the troops then repassed the Ran to put
down some local banditti and disperse some piratical tribes on
the coast. The central nest of these tribes having been taken,
the work was done ; and accordingly after the capture of Dwarka,
on the coast to the south of the Gulf of Cutch, the field force
was broken up, and the Seventeenth returned to Ruttapore.

History of the 17 th Lancers

1816. The losses of the regiment in the work of those three years are
unrecorded, and, except from disease, were probably not worth
mention.

Before quitting this year we must turn our eyes homeward
for a moment, where rather an interesting matter was going
forward. H.R.H. the Commander-in-Chief, at the opening of
1 8 16, had become bitten with the notion of forming corps of
Lancers in imitation of the Polish Lancers which had done such
good service to the army under Napoleon. The first idea was
to attach a troop of lancers to each cavalry regiment, just as a
small body of riflemen was attached to a regiment of infentry.
Lord Rosslyn oflfered the 9th Light Dragoons for the experiment,
and trained fifty picked men under the command of Captain
Peters. On Saturday, 20th April, these fifty men were reviewed
in the Queen's Riding-house at Pimlico, before a few select
spectators who were admitted by ticket. The men were dressed
in blue jackets faced with crimson, gray trousers and blue cloth
caps, and carried a lance sixteen feet long with a pennon of the
Union colours. "The opposite extremity of the lance," con-
tinues our authority, " was confined in a leather socket attached
to the stirrup, and the lance was supported near the centre by
a loose string." Such is an abridged account of the first parade
of Lancers in England, taken from an extract from the Sun
newspaper of 22nd August 18 16, and copied into the Calcutta
Gazette^ whence probably it found its way to the officers' mess
of the Seventeenth.

1817. The new year brought the regiment to more serious service
in the field, namely, the Pindari War. These Pindaris in their
early days had been merely the scavengers of the Mahratta
armies ; but they had been increasing in numbers and power in
the south of Hindostan and the north of the Dekhan since 1 8 1 1 .
Their most celebrated chiefs were two men named Kurreem and
Cheettoo, who had been captured by Dowlat Rao Scindiah, but
were released by him for a ransom in 18 12. The Pindaris then
came out as an independent body, and began incursions on a large

116

-^:;^

The Pindari War

scale. They invaded a country in bands of from one to four 1817.
thousand men apiece, which on reaching the frontier broke up
into parties of from two to five hundred. They carried little but
their arms ; they were admirably mounted, and thought nothing
of marching fifty or sixty miles in a day. They lived, themselves
and their horses, on plunder, and what they could not carry oflF
they destroyed. In 1 8 1 2 they were bold and strong enough to
cross the Nerbuddha and invade the territory of the Rajah of
Nagpore, and in 18 13 they actually set fire to part of his capital.
As they threatened further depredations in the Gaikwar's territory,
a force of 600 native infantry and three troops of the Seventeenth
were sent to disperse them ; and these repressive measures had a
good eflfect for the time. By 1 8 14 their numbers were reckoned at
27,000 men, "the best cavalry commanded by natives in India,"
with 24 guns ; and in the two following years they became more
and more dangerous and troublesome. Holkar and Scindiah,
being afraid of them, had both made an alliance with them, and
encouraged them secretly. Moreover, the British Government
was hampered in any attempt to put them down by an engage-
ment with Scindiah, which prevented it from entering into any
negotiations with the Rajpoots under Scindiah's protection.
Unless British troops could follow the Pindaris into Rajpoot
territory it was of no use to advance against them, for the only
way in which the Pindaris could be suppressed was by hunting
them down to a man.

The capture of Bungapore in the Madras Presidency at last
brought matters to a crisis. Lord Moira, the Governor-General,
called upon Scindiah to disown the Pindaris and conclude a treaty
with England. Scindiah signed it cheerfully on the 5th November
1 8 16. That little farce over, he joined a general conspiracy of
the Mahratta powers to overthrow British rule in India. The
Peishwar and the Rajah of Nagpore, who had also recently signed
treaties of alliance with England, together with Holkar were
the principal leaders of the movement. Then the Governor-
General bestirred himself in earnest. He collected the Bengal,

117

History of the 17th Lancers

1 81 7. Madras, and Central armies, and fairly surrounded the whole
Pindari country, the Malwa in fact, with 80,000 men. Over and
above these a force, under Sir W. Grant Keir, advanced from
Bombay to block up one corner on the Bombay side. It was to
this force that the Seventeenth was attached, joining it at Baroda.

The Baroda force under Sir W. Keir marched on the 6 th
December. On the second day's march the rear-guard was
attacked by a body of Bheels — a race which, though " diminutive
and wretched looking," were " active and capable of great fatigue,"
as befitted a gang of professed thieves and robbers. They were
driven oflF" by a squadron of the Seventeenth under Colonel Stan-
hope himself, but at the cost of an officer. Cornet Marriott, and
several men and horses wounded. Sergeant -Major Hampson
received an arrow in the mouth from a Bheel archer. He calmly
plucked the arrow out, drew his pistol, shot the Bheel, and then
fell dead — choked by the flow of blood. This aflfair won the
Seventeenth the thanks of the General in field orders.

Of the subsequent movements of the Seventeenth in the war
I have found great difficulty, from the impossibility of getting at
the original despatches, in obtaining any knowledge. The great
battle of the campaign was fought against Holkar's troops at
Maheidpore on the 20th December. The Seventeenth was not
present at the action, though Colonel Stanhope was thanked in
orders and despatches for his service as D.Q.M.G., and though
immediately after it the regiment was ordered oflF" to reinforce
Sir J. Malcolm's division for the pursuit of Holkar. On the

1818. 23rd January 18 18 a treaty was make with Holkar ; and the war
then resolved itself into a pursuit of the other members of the
conspiracy, and in particular of the Pindaris. In fact the work
of the Seventeenth was a foretaste of that which it was to ex-
perience in Central India forty years later ; equally difficult to
trace from the rapidity of the movements ; equally hard to recount
from the dearth of material and the separation of the regiment
into detachments ; above all equally hard on men and horses,
perpetually harassed by long forced marches which led only to

118

The Pindari War

more forced marches for weeks and weeks together. I have only 1818.
been able to gather that the men suffered not a little from the
extraordinary changes of temperature, varying from 28^ to no
degrees during the march ; and that on a few odd occasions
their services were such as to call down the special praise of the
divisional commander. These commendations are the more
valuable, inasmuch as petty, though brilliant actions were very
common in Central India during the early months of 181 8.

The first of these in which we hear of the Seventeenth is an 19th jan.
action at Mundapie, wherein four squadrons of the regiment sur-
prised the Pindaris, and cut down 100 of them, with the loss of
one private wounded. The gallantry and rapidity of the attack, by
the testimony of the General, alone saved the Seventeenth from
heavier casualties. We hear next of a detachment of the regiment
engaged at the capture of Fort Pallee ; and next, at a more 9th Feb.
important afliair, we find the whole of the Seventeenth fighting
against the most renowned of the Pindari leaders, Cheettoo
himself. The action recalls the history of the detachment which
served under Tarleton in Carolina. It appears that Colonel
Stanhope obtained information that a large body of Pindaris was March,
within a forced march of him. He at once sent off a detachment
in pursuit, which after a thirty mile march came upon the enemy,
evidently by surprise, and cut down 200 of them. Cheettoo
himself, conspicuous by his dress and black charger, narrowly
escaped capture, and owed his safety only to the speed of his
horse.^ Captain Adams and Cornet Marriott, who had already
distinguished themselves in the rear-guard action with the Bheels,
were prominent on this occasion, and with the whole detachment
received Sir W. Keir's thanks in division orders. On the 14th
March, when Sir W. Keir's force was broken up, two officers
of the Seventeenth, Colonel Stanhope and Captain Thompson,
were selected by the General for special approbation and thanks.

^ This animal proved to be Cheettoo^s death. His hoofs were so extraordinarily large that his
tracks were always recognisable, and hence exposed his rider to the certainty of continued pursuit.
Cheettoo having been driven thus into the jungle viras finally killed by a tiger.

119

History of the 17 th Lancers

18 19. After a short rest in cantonments the regiment, towards
the end of the year, resumed the chase of the Pindaris. The
new year found them marching into the province of Candeish,
excepting a detachment of eighty-six convalescents who, on their
recovery, joined Sir W. Keir's force in Cutch. While there it
must have experienced the frightful earthquake of June 18 19,
which destroyed most of the Cutch towns and killed thousands of
natives. Of the general movements of the Seventeenth I have been
unable to discover anything. It appears that before the end of
the year the regiment was back again in cantonments, and that it
moved up to Cutch again in May following, still engaged at the

1820. old work. Colonel Stanhope was then entrusted with a force of
between five and six thousand men, destined, it was said, for the
invasion of Scinde. After six months' encampment between Bhooj
and Mandivie, the Seventeenth returned to cantonments, and
the force generally was broken up. Colonel Stanhope, with a few
troops which he had retained, reduced the pirate fort of Dwarka,
where Cornet Marriott (now promoted Lieutenant in the 67th
Foot) was mortally wounded. He was acting as Brigade-Major
to Colonel Stanhope at the time, the Seventeenth not being present
at the engagement.

Two more years at the Kaira cantonments brought the
regiment to the end of its first term of Indian service. It
marched to Cambay in November, reached Bombay by water in
December, and finally sailed for England on the 9th January
1823. It had landed at Calcutta, in 1808, 790 men strong;
it had lost in fourteen years, from disease and climatic causes
alone, exclusive of men invalided and killed in action, 26 officers
and 796 men ; it had received in India 929 men and officers.
It went home, after leaving behind it volunteers for different
regiments, under 200 strong of all ranks. Such were the
effects of cholera, — for 18 18 was a bad cholera year, — general
ignorance of sanitary matters, and of English clothing in the
Indian climate.

120

GEORGE, LORD BINGHAM
[F.ARI. OF LICAS)

CHAPTER XI

HOME SERVICE, 1823-1854

On their way home the Seventeenth touched at St. Helena, where 1823.
they found an Army List, and therein learned for the first time
that they had become a regiment of Lancers. Such were the fruits
of the inspection held at the Queen's Riding-house in Pimlico six
years before. There also they heard of the death of their Colonel,
Oliver Delancey, who had held that rank since 1795. ^^ ^^
entered the army as a Cornet in the 14th Dragoons in 1766, and
joined the Seventeenth as a Captain in 1773. He had therefore
held a commission in the regiment for close on fifty years when
he died in September 1822. He had gained some slight
reputation as a pamphleteer, and he was for many years a
Member of Parliament, but it was as a soldier and an officer in
the Seventeenth that he had made his mark, in the New England
provinces and Carolina. He was succeeded by Lord R. Somerset,
a distinguished Peninsula officer.

On the 1 8th May the regiment arrived at Gravesend, and
marched to Chatham, where all the men, with the exception of
some fifty, including non-commissioned officers, were invalided or
discharged. At Chatham they returned their carbines into store ;
it was nearly sixty years before they received them again ; and,
in accordance with regulation,- ceased to shave their upper lips.
It must have been rather a curious time, that last half of
1823, between the growing of the moustaches, the learning of
the lance exercise, and the constant influx of recruits. In those

121

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1823. days it was, as a rule, rare for a regiment to receive above
a dozen recruits in the year ; and though the heavy mortality
in India had caused the rapid passage of many men into the
ranks, yet we may guess that the fifty old soldiers, many of whom
had probably brought back with them a liver from the East, were
not too well pleased at being flooded with five times their number
of recruits. The spectacle of 250 bristly upper lips must in itself
have been somewhat disquieting. But recruits came in fast.
Before the year was out the regiment numbered 311 men, or
little below its reduced establishment, viz. six troops of 335 men
with 253 horses.

The acquisition of the lance, of course, brought with it
a certain change of dress. Lancers being of Polish origin, the
Polish fashion in dress was of course imperative. The shako
was discarded for ever, and a lance cap of the orthodox shape
introduced in its place ; the upper part thereof white as at present,
and the plume, as ever since 1759, red and white. The officers,
besides a huge pair of epaulettes, wore aiguillettes of silver, and
were generally very gorgeously attired. For we are now, it must
be remembered, in the reign of King George IV., and therefore
every uniform is at its zenith of expense and its nadir of taste.
Hence, the first lance caps were so high and heavy that they were
a misery to wear ; and the jackets, though in pattern unchanged,
were made so tight that men could hardly cut the sword
exercise.

1824. From this point for the next thirty years the history of
the regiment is merely that of home duty in England and
Ireland ; and as the changes of quarter are recorded in the
Appendix, there is no need to repeat them here. Let it, however,
be noted that the Seventeenth took the London duty for the first

1825. time in 1824, and that in the following year it found itself once
more at Chichester, where we hope that it was welcomed by the
Mayor and Corporation.

1826. In 1826, George, Lord Bingham, who had exchanged into the
Seventeenth eleven months before, succeeded Colonel Stanhope in

122

Home Service

command of the regiment. We shall meet with him again as 1826.
Lord Lucan twenty-eight years hence ; not without results. Lord
Bingham retained the command until 1837, and brought the
regiment up to a very high pitch of efficiency. He was a keen
soldier, who had taken the pains to study his profession ; a very
rare thing in those days ; and had even taken the trouble to join
the Russian army in the war of 1828-29 against the Turks, in
order to gain experience of active service. He came to the Seven-
teenth at a time when such a commander was especially valuable,
for the slack period of the British army, perhaps inevitable after
the exertions of the great war, was telling heavily on the cavalry.
The drill was stiff, unpractical, and obsolete — designed, apparently,
to assimilate the movements of cavalry and infantry as far as
possible to each other. It was so useful (this was the pretext
alleged) for officers to be able to handle horse and foot with equal
facility. "It is hardly credible," writes a critic in 1832, "that
the late regulations did not contain a single formation from
column into line, in which one or more of the squadrons had not
to rein back as a necessary and essential part of the movement."
Even when this was altered, officers were still posted in the ranks
instead of in front of their troops. At this time, too, and for
years after, changes of formation were always carried out to
the halt. A regiment that required to take ground to the right,
wheeled into " columns of troops to the right," to the halt ;
then advanced as far as was necessary, then halted, and then
wheeled into line, once again to the halt. In many regiments
" field cards " were issued, " drawn out in all the pride of red
ink," with each movement numbered and marked in its regular
succession ; and thus the programme for the day of review was
rehearsed for weeks beforehand.

Lord Bingham had not long been in command before the 1829.
uniform of the regiment was again changed. When the change
was made I cannot with accuracy say ; but in 1829 we find the
white lapel-like facings on the jacket done away with, and a plain
blue jacket with white collar and cufk preferred in its place.

123

History of the 17 th Lancers

1829. The old red and white plume also disappears at this period for
ever, and a black plume is worn in its stead.

1830. A year later King William IV. came to the throne and made
yet another change. Whether from jealousy of the colour of
his own service, the Navy, or from whatever cause, he clothed the
whole Army, except the artillery and riflemen, in scarlet. The
Lancer regiments, one and all, were accordingly arrayed in a
double-breasted scarlet jacket with two rows of buttons and
gorgeous embroidery, and blue overalls with a double scarlet
stripe. The plume for the officers was of black cocktail feathers ;
and as the cap was very high, and measured ten inches square at
the top, and the plume was sixteen inches long, it may be guessed
that heads were sufficiently covered. Large gold epaulettes and
gold cap-lines with large gold tassels completed the dress. Those
were merry days for the army tailor, if not for the Army. That
there were curses both loud and deep from the service we need not
doubt ; but the King at least permitted the Seventeenth to retain
its facings, which was more than he allowed to the Navy. With
almost incredible want of tact the sailor-king altered the time-
honoured white facings of the Navy to scarlet. Happily neither
of these changes lasted long ; though the appropriation of gold
lace to the regular army, and the relegation of silver to the
auxiliary forces, has continued to be the rule up to the present
day. As a finishing touch to the trials of the Lancers at this
period, a general order compelled the shaving of the moustaches
which had been so carefully cultivated for the previous eight
years.

1828-32. From 1828 to 1832 the Seventeenth was quartered in Ireland.
In the latter year they encountered an old Indian enemy in Dublin,
namely Asiatic cholera, by which they lost three men. On cross-
ing to England in June they were isolated for some months, lest
they should spread the disease from their quarters.
1833. In the following year the regiment was reviewed by King
William IV. in Windsor Park. After the review the King
invited the officers to dinner, and reminded them then that he

124

Home Service

had inspected the Seventeenth half a century before at New York. 1833.
It is noteworthy that one officer, who was still borne on the strength
of the regiment, had served with it at that time. Sir Evan
Lloyds' name still appeared on the roll as senior lieutenant-
colonel ; and thus there was at least one man who could say that
he had worn both the scarlet and gold and the scarlet and silver.
Nor must we omit to add that among those who witnessed the
review on that day was the future colonel-in-chief of the regi-
ment. Prince George of Cambridge, then a boy of fourteen.
Thus the lives of two colonels of the Seventeenth actually bridge
over the gulf between the American War of Independence and
the fifty-eighth year of Queen Victoria. Sir Evan Lloyds' name
remained on the regimental list from 1785 until 1836, when he
was appointed to the colonelcy of the 7th Dragoon Guards.

The year 1834 witnessed the abolition of a time-honoured 1834.
institution, namely, the squadron standards. A relic of feudal
days, which had kept its significance and its value up to the first
years of the great Civil War, the troop or squadron standard had
long been obsolete. In fact it is rather surprising that such
standards should ever have been issued to Light Dragoons.
Nevertheless they survived to a time within the memory of living
men in all cavalry regiments, and are fortunately still preserved,
together with the blue dress and axes of the farriers and other
historic distinctions, in that walking museum of the British
cavalry, the Household Brigade.

The year 1837 found the headquarters of the Seventeenth at 1837.
Coventry for the first time since 1760, when it had but just
sprung into existence. On this occasion we may hope that it
was allowed to remain in the town during the race meeting. It is
somewhat of a coincidence that the regiment should have opened
the two longest reigns on record, those, namely, of King George
III. and Queen Victoria, in the same quarters. In this same year
Lord Bingham retired from the command, and was succeeded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Pratt, who in his turn gave place after two
years to Lieutenant-Colonel St. Quintin.

125

History of the 17th Lancers

1840. In 1840 the Light Dragoons and Lancers discarded the scarlet
which had been imposed upon them, and reverted once more
to the blue jackets and the overalls of Oxford mixture, which

1 841. had been ordained in 1829. In 1841 the Seventeenth, after a
three years' stay in Ireland, was moved to Scotland ; its first visit
to North Britain since 1764. Coming down to Leeds in the

1842. following year it received a new colonel in the person of Prince
George of Cambridge, the present Colonel-in-Chief of the regi-
ment and Commander-in-Chief of the Army. Under his com-
mand the regiment was employed in aid of the civil power to
suppress serious riots in the manufacturing districts in August

1843. 1842. In the following year, headquarters and three troops of
the regiment being stationed at Birmingham, there occurred an
a(5cident which, after fifty years, sounds almost incredible. The
men had just left barracks, in watering order, for the exercise
of the horses, and were about to pass under an arch of what
in the infancy of railways was called the " Liverpool line," when
an engine, with its whistle shrieking loudly, passed over the arch
at a high speed. In an instant every horse swung violently round,
dismounting almost, if not actually, every man, and the whole
hundred of them stampeded wildly back through the streets to
their stables. Many of the men were injured, some so seriously
that they had to be carried back to barracks ; and all this came
about through the now familiar whistle of a railway engine. The
incident gives us a momentary glimpse of one feature in the
England of half a century ago.

1844. Next year the regiment took part in the review held by the
Queen in honour of the Czar of Russia. Another ten years was
to see it fighting that Czar's army, and helping to break his heart.
The vicissitudes of a regiment's life are strange, and the Seven-
teenth had its share thereof in the forties : first putting down
rioters at Leeds ; then marching past the Czar at Windsor ; then
rushing across to Ireland to maintain order there during the

1848. abortive insurrection headed by Smith O'Brien ; and, finally,
escorting Her Majesty Queen Victoria on her first entry into the

126

Home Service

city of Dublin. The year 1850 brought it back to England once 1850.
more, where, after one bout of peace manoeuvres at Chobham, it
at last received orders, for the first time for thirty-four years, to
hold itself in readiness for active service. The warning came in
February 1 8 54, and the scene of action was destined to be the
Crimea.

127

CHAPTER XII

THE CRIMEA, 1854-I856

'854- On receiving the order to prepare for active service the regiment
was formed into four service and two depot troops of the follow-
ing strength : —

•

*«

a.
n

•

e/5

Staff.

Sergeants.

.
u

K
B

9
u

•

>
CU

Horses.

•

•
•

249
34

Z83

Service
Dep6t

• • •

8
4

• • •

18 1

7 ■

254
51

8
56

Total

30s

April. After the whole had been inspected by the Duke of Cam-
bridge, the depot troops marched to Brighton on the loth May,
where they formed part of the consolidated cavalry depot under
Colonel Bonham.

Headquarters and the service troops embarked at Portsmouth
on the 1 8th, 23rd, 24th, and 25th April in five sailing ships,
thus : —

Headquarters, under Colonel Lawrenson, in the ship Eveline.
One troop, under Major Willett, in the Pride of the Ocean.
One troop in the Ganges.
One troop in the Blundell.
Remainder in the Edmundsbury.

128

The Crimea

After passages varying from twenty-three days to five weeks, 1854.
the whole arrived at Constantinople toward the end of May. May.
Men and officers were all well, but twenty-six horses had perished
on the voyage. The regiment was disembarked at Kulali, on
the Asiatic side of the Bosporus, and on the 30th of May was
inspected by the Sultan in person at Scutari.

On the 2nd June the regiment re -embarked on the same
vessel, and sailed to Varna, where, on disembarkation, it was made 4th June,
part of the* Light Brigade under the command of Lord Cardigan.
Leaving Varna on the 8 th it marched to Devna, some eighteen
miles to the north-west, and remained encamped at a short
distance from the village until the 28th July, on which day it 28th juiy.
marched for Yeni-bazar, halting at Kutlubi, Yasytepe, and Sazego
on the way, and finally encamped at Yeni-bazar on the ist
August. So far the army had done nothing, but had been con-
demned to inactivity, losing many men by cholera meanwhile.
The retreat of the Russians from the Danube after their failure
before Silistria, and defeat at Giurgevo in July, had virtually
secured the only object of the expedition, namely, that Russia
should abandon the invasion of Turkey. But at the end of June
the British Government decided to direct the expedition against
Sebastopol, and to destroy Russia's great stronghold in tlje Black
Sea. Accordingly, on the 25th of August the Seventeenth started 25th Aug.
to march back from Yeni-bazar to Varna. Cholera had been at
work with them, as with the rest of the army, in August, and
they left twelve men buried at Yeni-bazar. Arriving at Varna on
the 28th, the regiment embarked once more on four transports on 28th Aug.
2nd and 3rd September, and sailed for the Crimea. A fortnight 17th Sept.
later the headquarters, under Colonel Lawrenson, landed at Kala-
mita Bay, the spot chosen by Lord Raglan for the disembarka-
tion of the army. The Seventeenth lost two more men by cholera
in the passage, and showed a serious falling-ofF in strength on
landing.

129

History of the 17 th Lancers

1854.

•

•9
4^

•

Total —

Morses

2!L

All ranks.

Capta

c/)

It:'
n

Officers.

Troop.

192

1 247

2X6

19th Sept. Two days later the army began its advance; the infantry
divisions massed in close column, and the cavalry on its skirts —
the Seventeenth being in rear of the left flank of the infantry.
Early in the afternoon the four squadrons of the advanced guard
came upon 2000 of the enemy's cavalry, a little way on the other
side of the Bulganak River. Both parties threw out skirmishers,
who fired some ineflfectual carbine shots without dismounting, as was
the fashion of the day ; and then the Seventeenth and 8 th Hussars
were ordered up in haste to reinforce the advanced squadrons.
The Russians, although in .overwhelming force, did not attack,
and the advanced squadrons then retired by alternate wings. A
few artillery shots were exchanged, and with that the first en-
counter with the Russians was over. The troops bivouacked that

20th Sept. night in order of battle, and on the following day attacked and
carried the Russian entrenched position on the heights of the
Alma.

Details of the action of the Alma, wherein the cavalry, from
the nature of the case, was little if at all engaged, would be out of
place here. It is, however, worth while to remark that the first
infantry division and the cavalry division, which occupied the left
of the English line, were both under the command of former
colonels of the Seventeenth, the Duke of Cambridge and Lord
Lucan. During the infantry attack the cavalry, which was on the
extreme left, remained perforce inactive ; but when the Highland
Brigade, which was next to the cavalry, had carried the heights
before them, one squadron of the Seventeenth, which was presently
joined by the other, moved off without orders from any general
oflficer, and began to ascend the heights. On their way they con-

130

The Crimea

trived in some way to cross part of the front of the Highlanders, 1854.
and were soundly rated by Sir Colin Campbell for their pains.
When, finally, on reaching the summit they began to capture
Russian prisoners, the pursuit was checked by Lord Raglan's
order ; and in consequence little was done. Shortly after the
action Colonel Lawrenson went home invalided, leaving to Major
Willett the command of the regiment.

For two days after the battle of the Alma the army remained
halted, and then on the 23rd slowly resumed the march on 23rd scpt
Sebastopol. Lord Raglan's wish had been to push on immediately
after the victory, but to this the French commander would not
consent. On the 24th the cavalry, under Lord Lucan, was sent
on to the river Belbec, a day's march ahead of the main army,
but encountered no opposition. Next day, Lord Raglan having
been obliged, in deference to the French, to abandon his plan of
attacking Sebastopol from the north, the army executed the flank
march which brought it round from the north to the south side
of the city. The march lay through diflicult wooded ground ;
and the cavalry, which had been pushed forward to cover the
advance, was misguided by a stafF-ofl[icer. The result was that
Lord Raglan and his escort were the first to come upon the rear-
guard of the Russian army, which was likewise, though unknown
to the English, executing a flank march across the British front.
The cavalry soon came up, and captured some waggons as well as
a few prisoners. After this trifling and rather ludicrous afl^r
with the Russian rear-guard at Mackenzie's Farm, the march was
continued, and the army bivouacked that night on the Tchernaya
River. On the following day Balaclava was taken ; and after 29th scpt.
three nights more bivouac on the Balaclava plains, the Seventeenth
received some tents. They, like the rest of the army, had landed
without tents or kits.

The main business of the cavalry now consisted in patrolling
east and northward towards the Tchernaya, where, as early as the
5th October, it began to encounter Russian patrols. In a sense
the cavalry was isolated from the rest of the army. The plain of

131

History of the 17th Lancers

1854. Balaclava lies about a mile from Sebastopol, and extends on an
average to a length of about three miles from east to west, and a
breadth of two miles from north to south. It is enclosed on all
sides by heights : on the north by the Fedioukine Hills, on the
south by the Kamara Hills, on the east by Mount Hasport, and
on the west by the Chersonese, where the bulk of the army was
encamped. The plain is cut in two from east to west by a line of
hills called the Causeway heights, which run almost to the Cher-
sonese ; and it was at the foot of these hills, on the south side of
them, that the camp of the Light Brigade was situated. Just
about due south of the camp, at a distance of about a mile, stands
the village of Kadikoi, at the entrance to the gorge that leads
down to Balaclava harbour.

Balaclava was now the British base of operations. Its defence
was entrusted to Sir Colin Campbell, with the 93rd Highlanders,
some marines, and a certain number of Turks ; the cavalry
being at hand to help him in the plain. But the better to secure
the base with so small a force, an inner line of field-works was
constructed from Kadikoi on the north, along the heights on the
east of Balaclava to the sea, and an outer line of six redoubts on
the Causeway heights. It has already been said that the English
and Russian patrols had clashed on the Tchernaya ; and as
General Liprandi, with a Russian army, had fixed his head-
quarters at Tchorgoun, less than a mile beyond the Tchernaya to
the north-east, this was hardly surprising. Shortly after the middle
of October Captain White of the Seventeenth, while on outlying
picquet on the Kamara Hills, had observed a large force of Russian
cavalry and duly reported it. Knowing the Russians to be in
considerable force, neither Sir Colin Campbell nor Lord Lucan
were at their ease as to the safety of Balaclava, from the weakness
of their defending force and its isolation from the rest of the army.
On the 23rd October Major Willett died, and the command
of the regiment once more changed hands. The senior officer,
Captain Morris, was employed on the staff; and it became a
question whether he would remain where he was, leaving the

132

The Crimea

command to Captain White, or whether he would return to the 1854.
regiment. On the 24th Lord Lucan received intelligence that
Balaclava would be attacked on the morrow by a Russian force of
25,000 men. He at once despatched an aide-de-camp to Lord
Raglan, who said "Very well." That evening Captain Morris
decided that he would take command of the Seventeenth.

Next day the cavalry turned out as usual an hour before day- 25th Oct.
break, and were standing to their horses, when Lord Lucan rode
off slowly to the easternmost redoubt on the Causeway heights.
The coming of the dawn showed him a signal on the flagstaff of
the redoubt, which told him that his information was correct, and
that the Russians were advancing in force. Lord George Paget
of the 4th Light Dragoons at once galloped back and ordered the
Light Brigade to mount. The men were just about to be dis-
missed to their breakfasts when they were moved off toward the
threatened quarter.

Meanwhile the Russians, with 11,000 men and 38 guns,
attacked the easternmost redoubt ; and in spite of a gallant resist-
ance from the five or six hundred Turks that held it, carried it
by storm. The Turks then abandoned the three next redoubts ;
and thus the line of the Causeway heights fell into the hands of
the Russians. Simultaneously two more Russian columns had
advanced and occupied the Fedioukine heights, and filled the
valley between the Fedioukine and Causeway heights with 3500
cavalry and a battery of twelve guns. Lord Lucan, seeing that
his 1500 men of the Light and Heavy Cavalry Brigades could not
check the advance of 1 1 ,000 Russians, fell back to a position on
the southern slopes of the Causeway heights, which would enable
him to fall on the flank of any force that might cross the South
Valley towards Balaclava. From this position he was ordered by
Lord Raglan to retire. The result was that the Russians immedi-
ately detached four squadrons to attack the weak force of infantry
that held the mouth of the gorge leading to Balaclava. So serious
did Sir Colin Campbell judge this attack to be that he warned the
93rd, as the Russian cavalry came down on them, that they must

133

History of the 17th Lancers

1854. die where they stood. Fortunately the Russian attack was not
pushed home, and the four squadrons were utterly defeated by
the unshaken firmness of the 93rd. Convinced as to the soundness
of his dispositions, Lord Lucan shortly after moved the Light
Brigade forward to its original station ; while, in obedience to
Raglan's order, he despatched the Heavy Brigade across the valley
to reinforce the defending troops at Kadikoi.

Just as the Heavy Brigade was moving off, the Russian
cavalry came up in great force over the Causeway heights, full on
the flank of the Heavies, but lending their own flank to the Light
Brigade. Brigadier Scarlett thereupon wheeled the Heavies into
line, and delivered the brilliant attack known as the charge of the
Heavy Brigade. Every one, including Lord Lucan, expected to
see the Light Brigade fall down on the Russian flank, and smash
it completely. But Lord Cardigan judged that his instruc-
tions forbade him to attack, and refused to move. Every man in
the Brigade was waiting for the order to charge, and Lord
Cardigan himself cursed loudly at his own inaction. Captain
Morris, doing duty with his regiment for the first time since it
had landed in the Crimea, begged and prayed his Brigadier to
let loose, if not the whole Brigade, at any rate the Seventeenth
Lancers ; but Lord Cardigan would not hear of it. Thus for the
second time the Seventeenth (and for that matter the Light
Brigade), was baulked of the successful attack which its old
Colonel had prepared for it.

Then came an order from Lord Raglan to Lord Lucan to
" advance and recover the heights,*' t.e. the Causeway heights ;
presently supplemented by a fiirther order — " Lord Raglan wishes
the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front and recover the guns,"
meaning the guns captured by the Russians in the redoubts on
the Causeway heights. This last order was brought by Captain
Nolan, an excitable man, and at that particular moment in a
highly excited state. '* Guns,'* said Lord Lucan to him, '' what
guns ? " Nolan waved his hand vaguely, it would seem, in the
direction of the Russian battery at the head of the North Valley

134

The Crimea

and said, by no means too respectfully : "There, my Lord, is 1854.
your enemy, there are your guns." Lord Lucan was a quick- *^
tempered man, and probably not in his most amiable mood at
that instant. He was one of those officers, rare enough in those
days, who had taken particular pains to study his profession, and
was on all hands acknowledged to possess more than ordinary
ability. His warnings of the previous day had been neglected at
headquarters ; his perfectly correct dispositions, carefully con-
certed with Sir Colin Campbell, had been twice upset by superior
order, with results that must almost certainly have been fatal, if
the Russian cavalry had known its work ; and now had come a
fresh staff-officer with an order which, not in itself too clear, had
been further obscured by that stafF-officer's excitability. Over
hastily he accepted what he believed to be the true meaning of the
order, and directed Lord Cardigan to attack the Russian battery
at the head of the North Valley with the Light Brigade.

That Brigade, after its various movements, had been finally
drawn up facing directly up the South Valley, and had stood dis-
mounted there for more than three-quarters of an hour, when Lord
Cardigan gave the order which showed that its time had come.
In the Seventeenth that morning there were 139 men in the ranks,
increased at the last moment by the arrival of Private Veigh,
the regimental butcher, who, hearing that the regiment was about
to be engaged, rode up fresh from the shambles to join it. He
was dressed in a blood-stained canvas smock, over which he had
buckled the belt and accoutrements of one of the Heavy Dragoons
who had been killed in the charge ; and, having accommodated
himself also with the dead dragoon's horse, he now rode up with
his poleaxe ^ at the slope. The rest of the regiment was in march-
ing order — full-dress jackets and lance-caps cased — with the
exception of Captain Morris, the commanding officer, who wore
a forage cap. The first squadron was led by Captain White, the
troop leaders being Captain Hon. Godfrey Morgan and Lieutenant

^ It is perhaps worth noting that the poleaxe was a favourite weapon with Royah'st cavalry
officers in the civil war.

135

History of the 17th Lancers

1854. Thomson ; the second squadron was led by Captain Winter, with
' Captain Webb in command of the right, and Lieutenant Sir
William Gordon in command of the left troop. Lieutenant
Hartopp, Lieutenant Chadwick (the Adjutant) and Cornet
Cleveland were the other officers with the regiment, Cornet
Wombwell being with Lord Cardigan as aide-de-<amp. The
two squadrons of the Seventeenth formed the centre of the first
line of the Brigade, having the nth Hussars to their left, and
the 13th Hussars to their right ; while the 4th and 8th Hussars
composed the second line.

In this formation the Light Brigade moved off to the attack ;
its duty being to advance over a mile and a half of ground, flanked
by Russian batteries and riflemen on the Fedioukine heights to the
right, Russian batteries and riflemen on the Causeway heights to
the left, and fall upon a battery of twelve guns to their front,
which guns were backed by the mass of the Russian Cavalry.
The first line began the advance at a trot, and was presently
reduced to the Seventeenth and 13th only ; the nth being ordered
back to the second line by Lord Lucan. The formation of the
Brigade was thus altered from two lines to three. The Seventeenth
was now therefore on the left of the first line, though Captain
White's squadron still remained the squadron of direction.

Presently, without sound of trumpet, but conforming to the
pace of the Brigadier, the first line broke into the gallop. It had
barely started when Captain Nolan rode across the front from left
to right, shouting and waving his sword. "No, no, Nolan,"
shouted Captain Morris, " that won't do, we have a long way to
go and must be steady." As he spoke a fragment of a shell
struck Nolan to the heart. His horse swerved and trotted back
through the squadron interval with his rider still firm in the
saddle, and then with an unearthly cry the body of Nolan
dropped to the ground. This was the first shell that fell into the
Light Brigade.

Meanwhile the handful of squadrons, with the Seventeenth
and 1 3th at their head, rode on with perfect steadiness, and in

136

The Crimea

beautiful order, into the ring of the Russian fire. Then men 1854.
and horses began to drop fast in the first line. The survivors
closed up and rode on. The trumpet sounded no charge;
the officers uttered no stirring word ; the men gave no
cheer ; for this was no headlong rush of reckless cavaliers, but
an orderly advance of disciplined men. Throughout this ride
down the valley there was but one word continually repeated,
" Close up " ; and the men closed in to their centre, and with
an ever -diminishing front rode on. Those who watched the
advance from the heights a mile away saw the line expand as the
stricken men and horses floundered down, and contract once
more like some perfect machinery as the survivors took up their
dressing and rode on. But at last the gaps became so frequent
and so wide that men could close up no more ; and then the whole
of the first line sat down and raced for the guns. The Russians
were ready for them and met them at about eighty yards distance
with a simultaneous discharge of every gun in the front battery.
How many men fell under this salvo we shall never know. By
this time two -thirds of the first line must have fallen : the
remaining third rode on. In a few seconds they had plunged
into the smoke and were among the Russian guns.

On the extreme left a handful of the Seventeenth had out-
flanked the battery, and of these — all that he could see of his
regiment — Captain Morris, who was still unharmed, retained com-
mand. Pressing on past the battery through the smoke, he was
aware of a large body of Russian cavalry, part of an over-
whelming force, that stood halted before him in rear of the guns.
Steadying his men for a moment, he led them without thought
of hesitation straight at the Russians, and drove his sword to the
hilt through the body of their leader. His men were hard at his
heels. They broke through the Russian Hussars, they swept
all that were covered by their narrow front before them, and
galloped on in pursuit. Meanwhile Captain Morris had fallen.
Unable to withdraw his sword from the body of the Russian
officer, he was tethered by his sword-arm to .the corpse, and while

137

History of the 17th Lancers

1854. thus disabled received two sabre cuts and a lance wound. Utterly

' defenceless against the lances of the Cossacks, who had closed like

water upon the small gap made by the Seventeenth, he was forced

to surrender. Lieutenant Chadwick, who was wounded by a lance

thrust in the neck, was also made prisoner at the same time.

Another fragment of the first line, backed by men of various
regiments, was rallied by Corporal Morley, and by him led back
through the Russian cavalry to the North Valley.

Yet another little remnant of the Seventeenth, to the right of
Morris, had entered the battery, where Sergeant O'Hara took
command of them, and directed their efforts against the Russian
gunners, who were attempting to carry off their guns. These
were presently rallied by Lord Cardigan's Brigade-Major, Major
Mayow ; but a portion of them having missed him in the smoke
went on with O'Hara to their left, where they met their comrades,
the survivors of Captain Morris's party. These last, after
chasing the Russian Hussars back upon their supports, had been
forced back by immensely superior numbers, and were now
menaced in their turn both in flank and rear. The two little
parties joined together, and fighting their way back through
the Russians made good their retreat down the valley.

Meanwhile Major Mayow, with about a dozen men of the
Seventeenth, like Captain Morris, charged a body of Russian
horse, which was halted in rear of the battery, drove it back, and
pursued it for some distance upon the main body. Then Mayow
halted, and seeing the remains of a squadron of the 8th Hussars
approaching to his right rear, he formed his handful of Lancers
on the left flank of the 8th. The Russian cavalry in rear of the
guns was now panic-stricken, and in full retreat ; but there still
remained some Russian squadrons which had been left on the
Causeway heights ; and of these three now menaced Colonel
Shewell's rear. Shewell gave his mixed squadron the word
" Right about wheel," and charged them. As usual the Russians
received the charge at the halt and were utterly routed. Then,
seeing no troops coming to his support. Colonel Shewell retreated.

138

The Crimea

Once more the British came under the fire of the guns on the 1854.
Causeway heights. The French had silenced those on the
Fedioukine side, the Light Brigade had silenced those in the
valley, but those on the Causeway heights still remained untaken.
Fortunately some Russian Lancers still hovered about the
retreating English, and the Russian gunners ceased to fire lest
they should kill their own men. Thus the Seventeenth and the
rest of the Brigade returned in small knots well-nigh to the
spot from which they had started but five-and-twenty minutes
before. Six hundred and seventy -eight of all ranks had
started ; one hundred and ninety-five came back.

Of the Seventeenth Lancers Captain Winter, Lieutenant
Thomson, twenty-two men, and ninety-nine horses were killed.
Captain Morris, desperately wounded, finding himself deserted by
the Russian oflficer to whom he had surrendered and left to the
tender mercies of the Cossacks, contrived to catch a loose horse,
and, when this had been killed under him, made shift to stagger
back to the place where Captain Nolan had fallen. There he
dropped, but was tended under fire by Surgeon Mouat and by
Sergeant Wooden of the Seventeenth, both of whom received the
Victoria Cross for the service. Captain Robert White was badly
wounded before reaching the battery, and Captain Webb wounded
to the death. Sir William Gordon, who had passed through
the battery unharmed, came back from pursuing the Russian
cavalry with five sabre wounds in the head. So terribly had he
been hacked that the doctors said that on the 25 th October
he was "their only patient with his head oflT." Hardly able
to keep himself in the saddle he lay on his horse's neck, trying to
keep the blood out of his eyes, and rode back down the valley at
a walk. Being intercepted by a body of Russian cavalry he made
for the squadron interval, followed by two or three men, and
when the Russians, in their endeavour to bar his passage, left
an opening in the squadron, he managed to canter through
it and in spite of pursuit to finally complete his escape. His
horse, which was shot through the shoulders, managed to carry

139

History of the 17 th Lancers

1854. him out of action, but died, poor gallant beast, very soon after.
' Thirty-three men and almost every surviving horse were also
wounded ; Trumpeter Brittain, who had acted as Lord Cardigan's
trumpeter on that day, dying of his hurts in hospital. Lieutenant
Chadwick, and thirteen more men, all of them wounded, were
taken prisoners. Lieutenant Wombwell, being like Captain
Morris abandoned by his captors to the Cossacks, escaped, after
having two horses killed under him.

So ended the work of the Seventeenth on the 25th October 1 854.
It is customary to look upon the attack of the Light Brigade as a
mere desperate ride into the Russian battery. It was far more
than this. The advance down the valley through the murderous
fire from front and both flanks was but the prelude to a
brilliant attack. Discipline never failed even among the scattered
fragments of the first line. Where their own oflficers were still
alive with them, the men of the Seventeenth, however trifling in
numbers, rallied, as under Captain Morris, and followed them to
the attack on the Russian cavalry. Where an oflficer of another
corps rallied them, they followed him with the same devotion and
intrepidity. The little knot with Major Mayow, under his
leadership attacked ten or fifteen times their number of Russians,
defeated them, pursued them, halted, rallied on the 8th Hussars,
attacked with them successfully once more, and stood ready to
renew the attack yet again if supports should come. Where,
again, no oflficer was present, the non-commissioned officers, true
to regimental tradition, readily took command; and Sergeant
O'Hara and Corporal Morley proved themselves worthy suc-
cessors of Tucker and Stephenson.

Had the attack of the light Brigade been supported there is
reason to suppose that it would have been brilliantly successful ;
for the Russian cavalry had been thoroughly scared, and even the
infantry had been formed into squares to resist the onslaught of
the few score of men who had passed the battery. Lord Lucan
had indeed every intention of supporting it with the Heavy
Brigade, and actually brought that brigade within destructive fire ;

140

The Crimea

but seeing from his advanced position up the valley the frightful 1854.
losses of the Light Brigade, he could not bring himself to sacrifice
the Heavies also. Pulling up under the cross-fire of the batteries,
his horse wounded in two places, and his own thigh injured by
a musket ball, he took his resolution and ordered the Heavy
Brigade to retire. What his feelings may have been when he
saw the wreck of his old regiment return to him we can only
guess. Yet this was not the first occasion on which the Seven-
teenth had charged ten times their number of cavalry ; they
had done it once before at Cowpens against a for more dangerous
and resolute enemy.

After Balaclava the Seventeenth, like the other four regiments
of the Light Brigade, had almost ceased to exist in the Crimea,
from the extent of its loss both in men and horses. A supply
of remounts was, however, obtained by the capture of about 100
Russian troop-horses which stampeded into the British camp on
the night of the 26th October.

The next great action of the war was the battle of Inkermann 5th Nov.
on the 5th November. In this engagement the brunt of the
work fell, from the nature of the case, upon the infantry. The
Light Brigade was, however, brought under fire late in the day
in support of some French reinforcements ; Lord George Paget,
who was in command that day, having received instructions, and
also a particularly urgent request from the Commander-in-Chief
of the French, to keep his men, a bare 200 all told, within
supporting distance of the French cavalry. The losses of the
Light Brigade amounted to an oflicer and five men killed, and
five men wounded, of whom the oflicer and another of the killed
and one of the wounded belonged to the Seventeenth. Cornet
Cleveland, who had escaped at Balaclava where so many fell, was
the only English cavalry oflicer who was touched at Inkermann.
His death reduced the number of unwounded oflicers of the
regiment to three.

Three weeks later the establishment of the Seventeenth 25th Nov.
was raised to eight troops — z, curious reflection for the handful

141

History of the 17 th Lancers

1854- of men who represented it in the Crimea. Some months were
yet to pass before the Seventeenth at Sebastopol could make
any show as a regiment, and those months were those of the
Crimean winter. So much has been written of that terrible time
that it would be out of place to say much of it here. Suffice it
that between bad luck and bad management both men and horses
suffered very severely. Probably there never was a time except-
ing the winter of 1854 when the troop-horses of a British cavalry
division were almost without exception hog-maned and rat-tailed,
the poor creatures having eaten each other's hair in the extremity
of hunger. As to the men of the Seventeenth, it is enough to
say that they shared the misery and hardship which was borne
by the rest of the army, which was cruel enough. But hard as
was the Crimean winter, it must not be treated, simply because
a British war-correspondent was present and a British Parliament
was busy, as an unique trial of endurance. A regiment which
had fought through the Carolina campaigns and the deadly war
in the West Indies had little new to learn of misery, sickness,
and death.
1855. In the months of April and June of the following year the
regiment received large drafts from England, and by the 21st
July was enabled to detach a squadron of 100 men and horses,
under the command of Captain Learmonth, to join a force of
British cavalry which was employed in collecting forage and
supporting the French in the Baidar Valley. This squadron
rejoined headquarters on the 19th August, in time to be present
together with the rest of the regiment at the battle of the

20th Aug. Tchernaya. Three weeks later Sebastopol was evacuated, and the

8th Sept. war was practically over.

About the middle of November the regiment embarked at
Balaclava for Ismid, where it landed on the 1 5th. Its strength
on embarkation was 15 officers and 291 non-commissioned officers
and men, with 224 horses ; and the whole of it was carried in
two transports, the Candia and Etna. A corporal and five men
were left behind to do orderly work in the Crimea. At Ismid

142

The Crimea

the Seventeenth was brigaded with the 8th and loth Hussars, 1856.
under Brigadier Shewell, and there remained until after the pro-
clamation of peace.

On the 27th of April a sergeant's party of seventeen men and
sixteen horses was embarked in the transport Oneida^ and two
days later the bulk of the regiment, 1 8 officers and 442 men, with
171 horses, embarked in the Candia^ homeward bound. The
whole arrived at Queenstown on the 14th May, having suffered
no casualty but the loss of a single horse on the passage.

On landing, the regiment was quartered at Cahir barracks
(where it was joined by the depot squadron from Brighton), with
detachments at Clogheen, Clonmel, Fethard, and Limerick. It had
not been at home two months before it was employed at Nenagh
in aid of the civil power. In September the regiment was moved 12th Sept.
up to Portobello Barracks in Dublin, and two months later was loth Nov.
reduced to six troops once more, with an establishment of 28
officers, 442 non-commissioned officers and men, with 300 troop-
horses. Early in the following year it moved to Island Bridge 1857.
Barracks, where all the elaborate arrangements for quarters and "^
reduction of establishment were upset by the outbreak of the
Indian Mutiny.

143

CHAPTER XIII

V
•)
f

)

loth .

Vlay ]

.857.

30th

7th June

8th

26th

. 1 8th

July

. 20th

Sept.

25th

17th

Nov.

CENTRAL INDIA, 1858-1859

1857. For the better understanding of the share taken by the Seven-
teenth Lancers in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, it may
be well to set down as briefly as possible the principal events
that had taken place before their arrival —

First outbreak at Meerut
Outbreak at Lucknow .

„ „ Cawnpore
Siege of Delhi opened
Cawnpore massacre .
Capture of Cawnpore by Havelock
Fall of Delhi .
First relief of Lucknow
Second „ „

In those days, when there was neither submarine cable nor
Suez Canal, news from India took some time to reach England.
Reinforcements destined for China were intercepted and sent to
India on their way, and thus arrived early ; but it was October
1857 before the reinforcements from England began fairly to
pour into Calcutta. The Seventeenth was not of these first rein-
forcements ; and did not receive its orders for embarkation before
2nd September. On the 7th of that month its establishment
was raised from six to ten troops ; and volunteers, to the number
of 132, were received from other regiments, namely the 3rd, 4th,
and 13th Light Dragoons, the nth Hussars, and the i6th
Lancers. It will be noticed at once that this list includes three
regiments out of the five which had composed the Light Brigade

144

Central India

in the Crimea. The other regiment of that Brigade, the 8th 1857.
Hussars, sailed with the Seventeenth to India.

On the 1st October the depot ^%.s formed, and on the 6th
the regiment moved by rail from Dublin to Cork and embarked
on board the steamship Great Britain^ wherein the 8th Hussars
had already been embarked on the previous day. The strength
of the Seventeenth was as follows : —

•

■

c •

ii:

409

We may note among the officers the names of Captains White
and Sir W. Gordon, whom we knew at Balaclava, and of Captain
Drury Lowe and Lieutenant Evelyn Wood, whom we are in
future to know better.

On the 8th October the Great Britain sailed, and after touch-
ing at the Cape de Verdes and the Cape of Good Hope to coal,
reached Bombay on the 17th December. A single casualty, the
death of a private from heart disease, alone occurred on the seventy
days' voyage. The Colonel, who with one captain, the riding-
master, the veterinary surgeon, and four rough-riders, had beefi sent
out by the overland route, of course reached India earlier than the
rest of the regiment. The Seventeenth disembarked in two divi-
sions on the 19th and 21st December, and on landing were moved
up first to Campoolee, at the foot of the Bhore Ghauts, and thence
to Kirkee cantonments, where it arrived on the 24th and 26th.

Then came a weary period of waiting until horses could be
procured from the remount establishment in Bombay. Mean- 1858-
while, on the 6th January 1858, Sir Hugh Rose opened the extra-
ordinary campaign wherein he marched from Indore, and fought
his way without a check to the Jumna. But when he had closed
this campaign, first at Calpee on the 24th May, and finally at

145 L

History of the 17th Lancers

1858. Gwalior on the 20th June, the most strenuous of his enemies
were still at large, and, as the event proved, not to be captured
for another nine months. These were Tantia Topee and the
Rao Sahib ; the latter Nana Sahib's nephew, the former his right-
hand man. Of the two Tantia was incomparably the more
formidable. After being present at the first siege of Cawnpore,
and the subsequent defeat of the Nana's troops by Havelock, he
had been entrusted with the command of the Nana's " Gwalior
contingent." With this he had beaten General Wyndham before
Cawnpore (26th and 27th November 1858), and though imme-
diately after defeated in his turn by Sir Colin Campbell, had by
no means abandoned the struggle. Turning north from Cawn-
pore he first captured Chirkaree. He then tried to relieve Jhansi,
at that time besieged by Sir Hugh Rose, and was defeated ( i st
April 1857) ; and meeting Sir Hugh Rose once more at Kunch,
was again defeated. Still unquelled, he turned against Gwalior,
routed Scindia's troops, and captured the fortress. There he was
for the third time defeated by Sir Hugh Rose, and his force still
further dispersed by Sir R. Napier at Jowra Alipore (22nd June).
He then tried to make his way northward, but was headed back
by General Showers. Still undismayed, he broke away west-
ward to Tonk ; from which point begins the final act of the
drama of the Mutiny. In this act, which may be called the
hunting of Tantia Topee, the Seventeenth had its part, and
played it on the old stage of the Pindari war — Malwa.

While Sir Hugh Rose was fighting, horses began to arrive at
Kirkee — Arab, Syrian, Australian, and Cape horses for the most
part ; and as each squadron of the Seventeenth was mounted, it
was hurried up to the front to join in the chase of Tantia. The
first squadron was despatched from Kirkee on the 27th May,
under the command of Captain Sir William Gordon, to join
Major - General Michel's force at Mhow. This squadron, in
spite of many obstacles, lost no time upon the road. The first
difficulty was the desertion, after two or three days' march, of the
baboo who was in charge of the Commissariat arrangements. His

146

Central India

place was taken by the only officer who could speak Hindustani, 1858.
lieutenant Evelyn Wood ; and the squadron marched on without
a day's halt for the whole of the five hundred miles to its destina-
tion, learning much on the way, and arriving in perfect condition.
At whatever hour of the day or night the march might close. Sir
William Gordon, with or without the help of a candle, inspected
every horse's back, and if the hair appeared to be in the least
degree ruffled, shifted the stuffing of the saddle from the tender
place with a homely but effective instrument, a two-pronged steel
fork. If the back were actually sore the trooper could look
forward to the pleasure of tramping with the rear-guard on his
own feet until it was healed ; for this was the " golden rule "
from which the Captain never departed. And such a tramp was
not altogether enjoyable at that season. On the day before the
squadron ascended the table-land whereon Mhow stands, the heat
was so intense that the backs came off the brushes, and the combs
contorted themselves into serpentine shapes. But there was not
a sore back in the squadron when, at the end of June, it reached
its destination, nor through the whole of the arduous service that
subsequently fell upon it.

By that time Tantia had already travelled over a large extent
of country. Closely followed by two flying columns under
General Roberts and Colonel Holmes, he struck southward from
Tonk, and was overtaken and defeated by Roberts at Sanganir on
the 7th August. A week later (14th August) he was again
attacked by Roberts at Kankrowlee, again defeated, and pursued
for seventeen miles. Then he struck east towards the Chumbul,
where he evaded a third column under Brigadier Parke and
reached Jhalra-patan. Here he was joined by the Rajah's troops,
whereby his force was augmented to 10,000 men, and gained
possession of forty cannon as well as of considerable treasure.

Thus strengthened, he conceived the idea of marching on
Indore ; but General Michel, divining his purpose, sent two
columns, under Colonels Hope and Lockhart, to cut him off.
Tantia then retired leisurely to Rajghur. General Michel there-

History of the 17th Lancers

1858. upon moved up to Nulkeera, about a hundred miles north of
Mhow, and there added his troops, including Sir W. Gordon's
squadron of the Seventeenth, to the united columns of Colonels
September. Hope and Lockhart. On the 14th September Michel, having
obtained information of Tantia's movements, marched on
Rajghur, some five-and-thirty miles distant.

His force consisted of the following troops : —

Seventeenth Lancers . . . .80

3rd Light Cavalry . . . . .180

71st Highland Light Infantry and 92nd Highlanders 600
15th and 4th Rifles, N. L
4 guns, Bengal Artillery

>- . . . 240

1 100

Heavy rain was falling, and the cotton soil of Malwa was
a sea of black mud. With great difficulty Michel reached
Chapera, about half-way to Rajghur, and there halted. Next
day the rain ceased, and the heat was so terrible that one-third of
the European infantry fell out exhausted, several of them actually
dying of sunstroke, while many of the artillery horses dropped
dead in the traces. The march that day lasted from 4 a.m. till
5 P.M., when Michel at last arrived in sight of the enemy ; but
his infentry were then three miles in rear of the mounted men,
and so much spent that attack was out of the question.

At 2.30 next morning Michel advanced, but found that Tantia
had retired. The Seventeenth and the native cavalry, the whole
being under the command of Sir W. Gordon, were pushed for-
ward on the track of Tantia's retreat, and presently came upon
his whole force, 8000 men and 27 guns, drawn up for battle in
two lines. After a trifling skirmish the cavalry was halted to
permit the infantry and guns to come up ; but the rebel army,
on seeing the advance of the British, forthwith gave way and
fled. Then Sir W. Gordon, who had been posted on the extreme
right, was let loose with the cavalry, and dashing to the front, dis-
persed (to use Michel's own words) all symptoms of an organised
body. The pursuit was kept up for four or five miles till men

148

Central India

and horses were tired out. The heat was terrible ; the infantry 1858.
ftll out in great numbers under the midday sun ; and when the '^ ^^*'
cavalry finally halted under the shade of some trees, an officer of
the native cavalry died then and there from sunstroke. But not a
drop of blood was shed on the English side ; and the losses of
the Seventeenth consisted of a single horse killed. The trophies
of the cavalry consisted of Tantia's whole park of 2 7 guns.

After one day's halt Michel resumed the pursuit, passing
eastward through Nursinghur ; but between that place and Bir-
seeah the rain came down with such violence that further progress
was impossible. For two days the torrent never ceased to fall.
The camp became a swamp, and the unfortunate horses stood
fetlock deep in mud. Meanwhile Tantia moved away through
dense jungle to the north-eastward, and on reaching Seronge,
fifty miles fi-om Rajghur, halted there for eight days. He then
moved northward sixty miles to Esaughur, one of Scindia's
forts, which he stormed and plundered, capturing some supplies
and seven guns. He used one of these guns for the purpose of
blowing his chief artillery officer from its mouth, and then took
counsel with the Rao Sahib as to future operations. The pair
then agreed to divide their forces — Tantia moving eastward to
Chunderi, and the Rao Sahib northward to Tal Bahat.

After wasting three days in the vain attempt to capture
Chunderi from Scindia's garrison, Tantia moved south about
twenty miles to Mungrowlee — as fate ordained it, straight into
the jaws of his pursuers. Michel having marched since daybreak
thirty-five miles north-eastward from Seronge, was in the act of
pitching his camp at Mungrowlee, when a lancer of the picquet
galloped in with the report that the rebels were close at hand.
Michel's force was made up as follows : —

Seventeenth Lancers .... 90

H.M. 71st and 92nd . . . . 510

19th N. I. . . 429

Bengal Artillery, 4 guns ... 62

1091
149

History of the 17 th Lancers

1858. Tantia Topee had 5000 men and 6 guns. His advanced
guard alone was visible when Michel moved out to meet him,
9th Oct. and he himself was quite unaware of Michel's proximity.
Tantia's position, as it happened, was strong ; his advanced guard
having reached an elevated village, surrounded by high scrubby
jungle, in which it was impossible for infentry to perceive an
enemy, while his guns commanded the ground over which the
British must advance. With unusual boldness Tantia sent his
cavalry forward and menaced both flanks of the British. Just at
that moment an alarm was raised in the British rear. A party of
Velliattees had contrived, owing to the thickness of the jungle, to
steal up unperceived in rear of Michel's support, and had
succeeded in murdering a wounded Highlander. Sir W. Gordon
at once galloped up with his troop of the Seventeenth ; whereupon
the Velliattees promptly vanished into the jungle. With some
difficulty Sir W. Gordon espied some of their heads through the
foliage, and forthwith gave the order to open out and pursue at the
gallop. In an instant the handful of men dashed into the jungle,
heedless of what might be there, and was in the midst of the
Velliattees. Order of any kind on such ground was impossible,
so every man worked for himself ; and with such eflFect did the
lances play that when the Seventeenth finally emerged from the
jungle they left over eighty of the rebels dead on the ground.
Every man of the forty-three that were present of Sir William
Gordon's troop killed two, and Gordon himself, galloping like
the wind, killed four with his own sword, and knocked over as
many more with his horse's chest. He had, however, a narrow
escape ; a rebel, who was just about to fire at his back, being killed
in the nick of time by Sergeant Cope. Tantia's main army as
usual turned and fled when the British infantry fairly advanced
against them. Had Michel's cavalry been more numerous he
might have cut the whole of the rebels to pieces; but, as
things were, he had to be content with one hundred of them left
dead on the field, a large number of prisoners, and Tantia's six
guns. *'I solicit to bring Sir William Gordon's services pro-

150

Central India

minently to the notice of His Excellency," wrote General Michel 1858.
after this action, *' and those of the squadron under his command,
who did their duty admirably."

After his defeat at Mungrowlee Tantia fled eastward across
the Betwah to Lullutpore, where he rejoined the Rao Sahib.
There he remained while the Rao Sahib marched eastward with
10,000 men and six guns. General Michel meanwhile divided his
force into three columns, intending to move himself with the
centre column in a direction due east ; but finding that his
intended route lay through jungle infested by predatory tribes, he
made forced marches southward in order to join with his right or
southern column once more. Overtaking this column at Narut
on the 1 8 th October he had ordered a march north-westward 1 8th Oct
towards Lullutpore, when at i a.m. he received intelligence
of the presence of the Rao Sahib at Sindwaho, fifteen miles to
the north. In an hour Michel had started to meet the enemy, 19th Oct.
and at daybreak his cavalry came into sight of one of the rebel
picquets close to Sindwaho. His force was composed thus : —

R. H. A. (4 guns)
8th Hussars .

. 68
. 118

Seventeenth Lancers .

. 90

1st Bombay Lancers .
3rd Bombay Cavalry .
Mayne's Horse

• 93
. 98

. 150

617

71st Highland Light In fen try

92nd Highlanders

19th N. I. .

Bengal Artillery (4 guns)

3rd Bombay Cavalry .

210

320

500

1 140

The village of Sindwaho lies between the Jamnee river and its
tributary the Sujnam. The country round it has a general eleva-
tion of about fifteen hundred feet, with an undulating surface
broken by numerous detached hills and peaks. There is very
little cultivation on the high land, the greater part thereof being
covered with dense jungle. The Rao Sahib had drawn up his
force, 10,000 strong, on rising ground, and so disposed it as to
conceal his exact numbers. His artillery was just over the sky-
line, with cavalry on either flank, and some squares of infantry in
the jungle, which here and there was partly open. He awaited

History of the 17 th Lancers

1858. attack, having sent down to the edge of a watercourse detached
bodies of infantry to annoy Michel's force as it went into the
broken ground at the bottom.

Michel at once sent ofF the cavalry to his extreme right in
order to cut ofF the enemy from their ascertained destination.
By chance the rebel artillery found the range of the British
at once, and by three or four lucky shots caused some slight
loss to the Seventeenth while executing this movement. The
English guns, with a strong escort, occupied Michel's centre.
As at Mungrowlee, the rebels made a show of taking the
initiative, their infantry advancing against the guns while their
horse hovered about the flank of the British cavalry, which
charged them with great effect. Then Michel's infantry came
up, and was actually so far pressed by the enemy that one flank
needed to be reinforced, while the artillery in the centre was
obliged to fire grape. But as usual the rebels did not stand long ;
and presently Sir William Gordon, with the Seventeenth, the 8th,
and the Bombay Lancers was in the thick of them. For nine miles
the pursuit was continued, though, from the heavy condition of
the cultivated land and the broken nature of the ground, it was
inevitably slow. None the less 500 dead rebels and 6 captured
guns made the victory tolerably complete.

While the bulk of the cavalry was thus engaged on the right,
an escort of the 3rd Bombay Cavalry, in attendance on a couple
of guns on the left, was fired at by a small body of rebels from a
field of high jowarree. Several horses having been wounded, the
escort was withdrawn for a little distance ; and thereupon these
rebels, many of whom were mutinous Sepoys of the 36th Bengal
Native Infantry, drew themselves up into a kind of rude square.
Lieutenant Evelyn Wood of the Seventeenth, who had been doing
duty with the 3rd Light Cavalry since they left Mhow, no sooner
saw this square than he attacked it singly and alone, selecting the
corner man as his first opponent. While he was engaged with
him a sowar of the 3rd Light Cavalry, Dokal ^ Singh, came up,

^ Now A.D.C. to the Governor of Bombay.

152

Central India

and, having narrowly escaped a cut from a two-handed sword 1858.
^hich shore through his saddle into his horse's spine, presently
made an end of the corner man. Then a small party of the
8th Hussars, under the Adjutant, Mr. Harding, was brought up
to Lieutenant Wood's assistance by Lieutenant Bainbridge of the
Seventeenth, and the rebels began to disperse. Harding called
out to Wood to fight one of them, and himself selected another.
The sepoy waited for Harding until he was so close that the fire
of the musket singed his stable jacket, and shot him dead. Lieu-
tenant Wood's opponent also waited for him with the bayonet, till
finding the chest of his horse almost on the top of him, he clubbed
his musket and was at once run through the body by Wood's sword.
This was one of two gallant actions for which Lieutenant Wood
(better known as Sir Evelyn Wood) received the Victoria Cross.

For the rest the rebels made a better resistance in this action
of Sindwaho than in any other of the many that were fought during
the chase of Tantia. The total loss of the British did not exceed
5 officers and 20 men killed and wounded ; but the brunt of
the day's work and the whole of the loss fell on the cavalry. Of
the Seventeenth one sergeant and four privates were wounded ;
three horses killed and four wounded. Sir William Gordon was
again honourably mentioned in despatches ; and Lieutenant Wood
distinguished himself as has been already told. The cavalry,
when the day's work was done, had been in the saddle from 2 a.m.
till 5 P.M., and was not sorry to rest. Still, they had more
than ordinary consolation, for on one native saddle were found
gold mohurs to the value of ^150, which were distributed among
the men. Let us not omit to mention, also, that the infantry
almost kept up with them during the twenty mile march that
preceded the action, and that among the infantry regiments,
in this as in the two previous engagements, was the 71st
Highland Light Infantry, which had worked through so many
hard marches with the Seventeenth in the Carolinas three-quarters
of a century before.

After one day's halt General Michel marched from Sindwaho

153

History of the 17th Lancers

1858. northward to Lullutpore. Then Tantia made a desperate move.
Starting from the northward of Lullutpore he doubled back
suddenly to the south, passing unobserved within four miles of
the British column, and between it and the Betwah. Michel, on
learning of this new departure, instantly followed him by forced
marches from Lullutpore ; but being unable to pursue him
directly by the mountains and jungly track that Tantia had
selected, he was compelled to move by Malthor (a thirty mile
march) and Khimlassa, where on the evening of the 24th he
25th Oct. heard that Tantia had but just passed before him. On the 25th
at 2 A.M. Michel resumed the pursuit, and at Kurai overtook the
wing of Tantia's army, 2000 strong. This force made hardly
even a show of fighting, but forthwith fled and was hotly pursued
by the British cavalry in three separate columns. Sir W. Gordon,
with the Seventeenth and the 3rd Light Cavalry, pressed the
rebels hard for six miles, and as usual (to quote General Michel's
despatch) did his work efficiently and well. In the course of
the pursuit, while hastening with all speed after some cavalry that
was covering the retreat of some rebel leader, the Seventeenth
were brought up, as is so often the case in that country, by a
nullah. Sir William Gordon, as was, of course, his invariable
rule, waited until he had seen every trooper pass over before him,
and then gave the word to open out and pursue at the gallop,
adding that the first man up should have for his reward whatever
the leader carried on him. Well mounted, and an admirable
horseman. Sir William won the race, killed the leader with his
own hand, and divided the gold bracelets and other ornaments of
great value that were on his body among the men that were first
after him. It is hardly surprising that his troop did wonders
under such a Captain. Let us, however, do justice to all, and
record the extraordinary marches accomplished by the infantry of
the column just at this time — twenty- nine miles on one day,
twenty-seven on the next, and twenty-five before they came into
action at Kurai.

The wing thus caught by Michel was simply dispersed ; and

154

"?)

Central India

(in the words of the historian of the Mutiny) Tantia and the 1858.
Rao Sahib purchased their retreat by the sacrifice of one-half of
their followers.

None the less Tantia pushed on with such force as he had
saved. He was again attacked on the following day by a single
regiment — that now known as the Central India Horse — and
suffered some loss ; but still he pushed on. Within a few days he
had crossed the Nerbuddha, to the great alarm of the Governments
at Madras and Bombay, and was pointing towards Nagpore.

Headed back from thence by a British force, he turned sharp
to the west, hoping to find some unguarded pass by which he November,
might pierce farther south. It was useless ; every outlet to south
and west was already occupied. He then turned north-westward
into Holkar's country, forced a certain number of Holkar's troops
to join him at Kargun (19th November), and then hurried away
towards the west.

Meanwhile Michel had followed him across the Nerbuddha,
reaching Hoshangabad on the 7th November. Feeling sure of
the security of the south and west, he sent Brigadier Parke on
to Charwah, and followed in the same direction more leisurely
himself. Sir William Gordon's squadron was left for a time at
Hoshangabad, where it was presently joined by further portions
of the Seventeenth. It is now necessary to pause for a moment
and go back to the rest of the regiment, which we left at Kirkee
awaiting its establishment of horses.

The second squadron, under Major White, left Kirkee on
the nth June and marched to Sholapore, where it was kept
halted for some time. We shall, however, see this squadron in
action in due season.

The third squadron, under Major Learmonth, left Kirkee on
the 1 1 th September, and proceeded to Mhow, where it was placed
at the disposal of General Michel.

Headquarters and the remaining squadron, having left a small
depot at Kirkee, marched from that station on 22 nd September,
in company with D troop of the Royal Horse Artillery and some

155

History of the 17th Lancers

1858, infantry, the whoJe being under the command of Colonel Benson
of the Seventeenth. On arrival at Mhow they were immediately
pushed forward towards the Betwah, and having picked up first
Major Learmonth's squadron at Bhopal, and next Sir William
Gordon's at Hoshangabad, united three -fourths of the regiment
at the latter place on the 6th November.

Meanwhile Tantia was still pressing on with all speed to
westward. On the 23rd November he crossed the great high-
road from Bombay to Agra, plundered some carts laden with
mercantile stores for the army, cut the telegraph wires, and
hurried on in the hope of recrossing the Nerbuddha unperceived.
The British were quickly on his track. Major Sutherland, with
a handful of 200 infantry, caught him at Rajpore, attacked him,
though against odds of fifteen or twenty men to one, and put
him to flight. Nevertheless, though the pursuit was resumed
next morning with all possible swiftness, it was only to find that
Tantia was safe across the Nerbuddha. Tantia then moved
rapidly north in the hope of surprising Baroda ; but the British
were beforehand with him. Brigadier Parke, moving by
extraordinary marches, met him at Oodeypore on the 30th of
November and defeated him once more. Tantia then fled
eastward into the Banswarra jungle, and the British commanders
thought that they had caught him at last. He was not caught yet
by any means. The next that the Seventeenth heard of him was
that he was advancing on Indore, and that they must move up to
Mhow with all speed. Colonel Benson left his encampment,
twelve miles south of the Nerbuddha, crossed the river in boats,
and was at Mhow in twenty-six hours — a march of fifty-two
miles, to say nothing of the passage of the river.

Tantia, however, prudently remained in the jungle ; and on
the 3rd December Colonel Benson, with his three squadrons of the
Seventeenth, again left Mhow and marched north-westward for
Ratlam, in order to meet him whenever he might issue from his

December, hiding-place. A small column under Major Learmonth was de-
tached from Ratlam, but after three days' search discovered nothing

156

Central India

of the enemy ; and Colonels Benson and Somerset, who had united 1858.
their two flying columns at Ratlam, then moved up together to
Partabghur. At this point, however, a new ally for Tantia,
Feroz Shah, appeared upon the scene, and Somerset's column was
detached to Ashta to cut him ofF. Emboldened by Feroz Shah's
diversion, Tantia finally emerged from the jungle, after a month's
wandering, at Partabghur, on Christmas day 1858. But mean-
while Colonel Benson had been moved from Partabghur; and a
very weak force of native infantry alone was on the spot to stop
the famous rebel. Tantia held this little force engaged for a
couple of hours until his baggage and elephants were clear of the
passes, and then marched quietly away. Halting for the night
within six miles of Mundesoor he struck eastward, and in three
days had reached Zeerapore, one hundred and ten miles as the
crow flies from Partabghur.

Meanwhile Colonel Benson had lost no time in starting on his
track with 210 men of the Seventeenth and 3 7 men of the Horse
Artillery with 2 guns ; and after a march of one hundred
and forty -eight miles in one hundred and twenty hours, he
finally caught Tantia at Zeerapore. This being, so to speak, a
strictly regimental aflfair, we may give an abridged journal of the
march : —

Friday^ 2\th December. — Left Ninose for Nowgaum (seventeen
miles).

Saturday^ 2^th December, — Made a reconnaissance, and discovered that
the enemy had marched on Mundesoor ; made a forced march thither, and
arrived that night (thirty-six miles) to find the enemy encamped but four
miles away.

Sunday^ 26th December. — Marched at daybreak, leaving behind all
infantry, artillery waggons, led horses, and baggage of every description,
and all grass-cutters. Moved first towards Seeta Mhow on false
information, but, discovering the true direction, turned towards
Caimpore, and halted for the night on the left bank of the Chumbul
(twenty-six miles).

Monday^ 2'jth December. — ^Marched at daybreak, crossed the Chumbul,
and came up with the rebels encamped at Dug ; bivouacked in sight of
their fires.

Tuesday^ 28th December. — Marched at 4 a.m. so as to attack at day-

157

History of the 17 th Lancers

1858. break ; found that the enemy's main body had retreated. Drove in the
picquets and pursued, crossing the KoUee Sind River on the way (twenty-
eight miles).

Wednesday^ 2()th December. — Marched at 3 a.m. from the right bank
of the Kollee Sind ; after an eight-mile march came in sight of the rebel
camp ; advanced over the ploughed land, so as to make as little noise as
possible, and waited for daylight. Found the main body had retired two
miles ; trotted on and came up with it ; and on emerging from a wooded
lane found the rebel army, apparently about 4000 strong, drawn up in line
of battle on rising ground, with a ravine and jungle to their rear.

29th Dec. Colonel Benson advanced to the attack in columns of
divisions, and, on the commencement of the rebel fire,
moved the leading column to the right, thus uncovering
his guns, which opened fire at four hundred yards with grape
and shell. The rebels soon gave way, and Benson then
attacked with two divisions from his right, and drove them into
the jungle. The Seventeenth then pursued them through the
jungle and across the ravine, and on emerging from the latter
found them rallied and drawn up in a new position. The Seven-
teenth then advanced in line, with the two guns in the centre,
and after a vain attempt of the rebels to make a counter-attack.
Sir William Gordon charged with his squadron and drove the
enemy once more into the jungle and across the ravine. With
some difficulty and delay the guns were taken across in pursuit ;
and after one or two more feeble attempts to rally, the rebels
were dispersed and pursued in all directions. The action closed
with the capture of four of Tantia's elephants by Captain Drury
Lowe. The ornaments of these elephants still remain in the
regiment's possession as trophies of this regimental day. The
whole aflFair lasted about two hours ; and the distance covered
before the day's work was ended was thirty-six miles, making
a total of one hundred and seventy - eight miles, including
the passage of two large rivers, in six days, accomplished
without European supplies, without protection against the
bitter cold of the nights, and, above all, without a murmur.
The casualties were as usual trifling enough. The Artillery

158

Central India

and Seventeenth each lost one man wounded and two horses 1858.
kiJled.

On the very next day (30th December) Colonel Somerset's
column, consisting of 4 guns of the Royal Horse Artillery, 100 of
the Seventeenth under Major White, and 150 of the 92nd High-
landers on camels, arrived likewise at Zeerapore. Major White
had just missed Colonel Benson at Dug by three hours ; and had
then been summoned to join Colonel Somerset at Soosneer. In
consequence of information as to a junction between Tantia
Topee and Feroz Shah, Colonel Somerset decided to push on at
once. He had marched forty miles on the 29th, and started at
3 A.M. on the morning of the 30th, but he hurried on none the 30th Dec.
less, and reached Kulcheepore at 5.30 p.m. At midnight
(12.5 A.M. 31st December) he started again and marched on 31st Dec.
without a rest, except of an hour and a half to feed the horses,
until 6.15 P.M., when he reached Satul after a forty-mile march.
The rebels were now reported to be seven miles ahead, and it was
determined, somewhat unfortunately, to march up to their encamp-
ment at once. As the British approached they were fired on by a
rebel picquet ; so that they could then do nothing more than lie
down and wait till daylight. A small picquet of infantry, who had
been riding on camels at the head of the column, was posted by
the staff officer, and the Seventeenth then lay down on the ground,
with their bridles in their hands. In a few moments every man
was sound asleep. The staff-officer, waking an hour before day-
light, found the bivouac like a camp of the dead — every soul so
exhausted as to be overcome with sleep. The force was awakened
without noise, and just at daylight the advance was resumed, but
too late to overtake the rebels, who had moved off some time
before. The British column, disregarding some dismounted
soldiers and followers in the rebel camp, pushed on with all haste.
The only track was of the worst possible description, and was
necessarily allotted to the artillery, two troops of the Seventeenth
trotting along, one on each flank of the guns, over the open.
After thus traversing some seven miles, in the course of which

159

History of the 17 th Lancers

1858. the camels were left far in rear, the column came upon a village.
The ground on each side thereof became impassable, so that the
cavalry was compelled to bend outwards ; and thus it came about
that the guns, without escort, were actually the first to pass
through a village with high walls, and with only just sufficient
roadway to enable the guns to move. Fortunately the rebels
made no effort to defend it ; and it was only on debouching from
the village that the gunners found, five hundred yards before
them, three or four thousand rebel cavalry drawn up in line.
Brigadier Somerset quietly turned to Major Paget, who com-
manded the half battery, and said " Gallop out towards them " ;
and so with the word " Leading gun, gallop," the formation of
the British line began. The other guns then followed, and a staff
officer galloped back to hurry forward the camel corps. Mean-
while the rebel cavalry advanced at a walk, one of their leaders on
a gray horse endeavouring with all his might to induce his men
to charge the guns. But the guns had unlimbered, and their very
first shot swept away the gray horse. Some few rebels dismounted
to pick up their chief, and the remainder of the force moved away
to the British left. Then up came half a dozen of the 92nd on
their camels ; and then from each side of the village appeared the
two troops of the Seventeenth. They numbered between eighty
and ninety men all told, and came on in rank entire with lances
at the "carry " — two small slender lines of pennons four hundred
yards apart. " It was a pretty sight," says one who was there,
" and the odds (4000 to 90) were so great that it became exciting
also." Straight onward they galloped ; and then suddenly the
pennons swept forward like a flash of light, every lance came down
to the " engage," and the Seventeenth with a yell dashed on to the
charge. The rebels slackened pace, halted, and, before the
lances had reached them, broke and fled ; and the Seventeenth,
plunging headlong among them, was swallowed up in the huge
mass, and fairly vanished out of sight. Presently they appeared
again, every lance still busy, and for seven miles the chase and the
slaughter continued till men and horses could do no more.

160

Central India

Thus did the one squadron, so far unengaged, of the 1859.
Seventeenth obtain its opportunity at last and take brilliant
advantage thereof. A single man of the Seventeenth, wounded,
summed up in himself the casualties of the whole column;
but every soul was fairly worn out. Before the rebels were
overtaken at Barode (for by this name the action is known),
Somerset's column had marched a hundred and forty-seven miles
without a halt except to feed the horses : the last fifty-two
miles had been covered in thirty hours. The action with
its pursuit of twelve miles made, with the return to
camp, twenty-four miles more. All baggage and European
supplies were left hopelessly in the rear : the nights were
bitterly cold ; and to bring discomfort to a climax, rain fell
heavily for three days and three nights. Yet no one complained.
On the morning after Barode men and horses were so numbed
and stiff through cold and rain that they could hardly rise from
the mud in which, through sheer fatigue, they had slept ; and
when after a few hours' painful march the sun at last broke
through the clouds, the men gave him three cheers.

But to Tantia, Barode was a mortal blow. The pursuing
columns were now, so to speak, running for blood. General
Michel shortly after the action formed a column wherein the
whole of the Seventeenth was united, and pressed the chase with
greater rapidity than ever, covering fifty-four miles and forty
miles in two marches, and two hundred and fifty-six miles in
eight days. On the i6th January, Tantia, flying northward, was
caught and defeated by Brigadier Showers at Dewassa ; on the
2 1 St he was again caught and beaten by Colonel Holmes at Sikur.
The Rao Sahib now abandoned Tantia in a rage, and Feroz Shah
deserted him likewise. The former fled southward and was over-
taken and defeated by Brigadier Honner's column near Koshani
on the loth February. On the 13th Brigadier Somerset took up
the chase with three and a half squadrons of the Seventeenth in his
column, and achieved a march which threw even his previous
efforts into the shade. In six days and a half the Seventeenth

161 M

History of the 17th Lancers

1859. covered no less than two hundred and thirty miles ; they had
their enemy dead-beat before them, and they knew it. Ghastly
tokens met them on the march — hoof-tracks filled with blood,
helpless innocent horses with their feet worn down to the quick,
and, at the last, three hundred rebels who gave themselves up
without a blow, being literally unable to run away any farther.
The leaders alone escaped ; but from that time the Rao Sahib's
following ceased to exist ; and he himself fled into the Banswarra
jungle to be heard of no more. Tantia Topee, deserted, and
since Sikur almost alone, hid in the Paron jungle until April,
when he was betrayed by Rajah Man Singh to the English. He
was tried by court-martial and hanged.

So ended this extraordinary chase, whereby the dying embers
of the Mutiny were finally trampled out. In following the track
of Tantia on the map, in and out and round about Malwa,
one is reminded of nothing so much as the hunting of a rat in a
barn. Though unendowed with the qualities that win success in
a pitched battle, the man possessed a positive genius for guerilla
warfare ; and as he carried neither tents nor supplies, but satisfied
his army's wants by the simple process of looting and stealing, he
enjoyed always an advantage over his pursuers. His methods, in
fact, diflfered little from those of the Pindaris, with whom the
Seventeenth had to do in 1 8 16-19 ; and but for the treachery of
Rajah Man Singh he might have disappeared for ever into the
jungle like his comrades the Rao Sahib and Feroz Shah, or met
his fate at the jaws of a tiger like the Pindari chief Cheettoo.

Of the part played by the Seventeenth Lancers much has
already been said in the course of the narrative. It now remains
to add a few details which, lest the thread of the story should be
unduly broken, have been reserved to the last.

First, we must note that in this campaign the Seventeenth wore
its English clothing : blue tunic, overalls strapped with cloth, and
forage cap protected by a white curtain, this last being preferred
to the white-covered lance cap.

The bulk of the active work, as has been seen, fell upon Sir

162

Central India

William Gordon's squadron. When, after six months' hard work, 1859-
Sir William rejoined the headquarters of the regiment. General
Michel sent Colonel Benson the following letter : —

Camp, Mhow, HEAoquARTERS, M.D.A.,
I8t December 1858.

Sir, — I am directed by the Major-General to state that as the Seven-
teenth Lancers are again proceeding to take the field, he is desirous to
express his strong approbation of the conduct of the squadron commanded
by Sir William Gordon, which alone has accompanied the Mhow column
through the whole of the late operations in the field.

2. Notwithstanding the most severe service in the worst weather, this
squadron, owing to the unremitting attention of Sir W. Gordon, is almost
as efficient as on the day when it left Mhow.

3. The Major-General has remarked that this officer's care was
extended to the comfort of his men, the care of baggage animals, and even
to the well-being of camp followers.

4. His leading in the field was as gallant as was his unremitting zeal ;
and in gallantry his officers and men emulated his example.

5. The Major-General, during the short time he has had under his
personal observation the headquarters of your corps, has remarked with
great pleasure that the general system of the regiment is one which must
lead to efficiency ; but this squadron has come so repeatedly under his
observation in action and otherwise, that he cannot let it depart without
specially recording his observation of its merits.

6. The Major-General directs that this letter may be read on parade
of your regiment. — I have, &c.,

J. H. Chapman, Capt., A.A.G., Malwa Division.

The most notable statement in this letter will be admitted to
be that of the second paragraph : —

After the most severe service in the worst weather, this squadron,
owing to the unremitting attention of Sir W. Gordon, is almost as
efficient as on the day when it left Mhow.

This was no exaggeration. The squadron, for all its hard
work, literally brought back every horse with which it had started
fit for duty, excepting only those that had been killed or wounded
in action ; surely a performance of which any officer might well be
proud. The troop-horses, it may be added, were mostly Arabs,

163

History of the 17 th Lancers

1859. and stood the work, by Sir William Gordon's testimony, remark-
ably well ; and it is worth noting that in the supreme trial of two
hundred and thirty miles in six days, several " walers " dropped
dead under their riders, one or two Cape horses gave out, but no
Arab was ever off his feed. We have already seen how Sir
William Gordon took care of his horses, and we may now, by his
kindness, catch a glimpse of his method of providing for those
of whom he was even more careful — his men.
He writes as follows : —

As a rule we had not much difficulty in getting supplies for men and
horses, but occasionally had to resort to force. I remember on one
occasion marching into a town called Samrood at 7 a.m. The head-man
of the town kissed my feet in the saddle and promised that I should have
all supplies at once. I thanked him, but as no supplies came I sent
Evelyn Wood into the town with six men about 1 1 o'clock. They found
abundance of everything required for men and horses, but no preparations
to let us have what we wanted. So I ordered the head-man three dozen ;
after which he could not do enough for me, and supplies were plentiful.
All was of course paid for ; and the occurrence was reported by me to the
authorities.

Let us not omit to add that the officer who took such care
of his men and horses was himself a perfect horseman, having won
the Regimental Challenge Cup within a few months of joining
as a cornet ; that, as we have seen, he fought the Russians at
Balaclava till his head was almost cut to pieces ; that at Mun-
growlee he killed three men with his own hand, and throughout
the Central Indian campaign frequently distinguished himself in
personal combats ; and that he has characteristically left the
present writer to gather these latter details from any source
except from himself.

Lastly, it must be remarked that this was the second
if not the third campaign of its kind wherein the Seventeenth
had been engaged. We saw it within twenty years of its founda-
tion scouring the Carolinas and Virginia under Tarleton and Corn-
wallis, covering on one occasion one hundred and five miles in
fifty -four hours, and traversing by constant forced marches a

164

Central India

total distance of fifteen hundred miles. We found it next in 1859.
Malwa in 1 8 1 8 chasing the Pindaris ; once making a forced
march of thirty miles, and cutting Cheettoo's bandits to pieces at
the end. Finally, forty years later, we follow it to this same
Malwa through the mazy pursuit of Tantia Topee. In all
three cases these incessant forced marches were accompanied by
every hardship that could be inflicted by climate, privation, and
fatigue ; and whether we follow the Seventeenth in long-skirted
scarlet and black helmet under the blazing sun of South Carolina
and the drenching rain of the Alleghany slopes ; or first in French
gray jacket and white shako, and next in blue tunic and pug-
areed forage cap, through the burning days and bitter nights of
the Malwa — in all three cases the story is the same. General
Michel in 1858, no less than Lord Cornwallis in 1782, bears
eloquent witness to the cheerful spirit and unconquerable patience
with which these hardships were endured. Nor does the parallel
hold less good of the action at the close of the march. It was
when worn out with marching that a troop of the Seventeenth
stood alone, after all others had given way, and cut its way through
twenty times its number at Cowpens ; it was when worn out
with marching that a squadron of the Seventeenth charged and
dispersed forty times its number at Barode.

165

CHAPTER XIV

PEACE SERVICE IN INDIA AND ENGLAND, 1859-1879

1859. For some time after the execution of Tantia the Seventeenth was
kept marching about from day to day ; and it was not until the
1 3th May that it finally went into quarters at Morar (Gwalior),
detaching one squadron under Captain Taylor to Jhansi. In both
places the regiment suflFered severely from sickness, and lost many
officers and men — the result of the climate, bad accommodation,

i860, and the reaction after the campaign. On the loth January i860
it was ordered to Secunderabad, and proceeded thither by rapid
marches under command of Major White. On the way it lost
thirty-eight more men of cholera and other diseases, among them
Veigh, the butcher of the Balaclava charge, whose end was de-
cidedly tragic. The deaths on the march, of course, entailed the
digging of graves for the dead, in which work Veigh, who was a
strong man and a thirsty soul, always glad to earn a few extra
rupees, was particularly zealous. One day when his task of
grave -digging was complete he was suddenly struck down by
cholera, and in a few hours was buried in the grave which he had
made for another. It was his final distinction to have dug his
own grave.
1860-64. The regiment now remained at Secunderabad for five years.
There is little to be chronicled of this period except one or
two small matters of dress. In April i860 the peaks on the
forage caps were discontinued, and in 1861 the regiment, for the
first time in its life, was equipped with white helmets. These
were made of leather, covered with white cloth, without plume or

166

Peace Service in India and England

spike, and were the work of a saddler sergeant who had come to 1864.
the regiment from the 1 2th Lancers.

On the 14th December 1864- ^^e Seventeenth left Secundera-
bad, and after sixteen days' march on foot arrived at Sholapore,
whence it travelled by rail to Poona, and, after halting there till the
20th January 1865, reached Bombay, and embarked for England 1865.
on the Agamemnon on the 2 1 st. During the eight years of its service
in India it was recruited at various times to a total number of 48
officers and 404 men. Its losses from climatic causes and disease,
through death and invaliding, amounted to 38 officers and 373
men, while 122 more men were left behind as volunteers to serve
with other regiments in India.

In April the regiment landed at Tilbury, and on the 6th May
marched to Colchester, where it was inspected in October by the
Commander-in-Chief, its sometime Colonel. Colonel White, the
Commanding Officer, was now the only officer remaining who had
ridden through the action at Balaclava, Sir William Gordon
having retired in 1864. In the following year Colonel White 1866.
retired, and was succeeded by Colonel Drury Lowe, a name that
will live long in the regiment. It was in this same year 1866,
the year of the Austro-Prussian war, that the Seventeenth were
first quartered at Aldershot.

The year 1867 brings another name well known in the regi- 1867.
ment on to the list of officers, this time not at the head of all, but
at the foot of the cornets, that, namely, of John Brown, who held
the adjutantcy from this time until 1878. Lieutenant -Colonel
Brown (to give him his present rank) joined the Seventeenth as a
band-boy in 1848. He rode the Balaclava charge as a trumpeter,
and was brought to the ground close to the Russian battery, his
horse's off hind leg being carried away by a cannon shot, and his own
thigh pierced by a rifle bullet. After several weeks in hospital he
rejoined the regiment in the Crimea, and when the Seventeenth
went out to Central India dropped the trumpet for the lance. He
was one of Major White's squadron at Barode, and from that time
rose rapidly until he received his commission in 1867. For the

167

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1867. present we need say no more than that he was Adjutant during
Colonel Drury Lowe's command of the regiment.

In August 1867 ^^^ regiment was quartered at ShornclifFe

1 868. and Brighton, where it remained until May 1868, when, after two
months' stay at Woolwich, it was moved in August to Hounslow

1869. and Hampton Court. In the following year an experiment was
tried which proved most successful, and has now been finally
adopted, viz. the "squadron organisation." The squadron
became the unit, and the word Troop was abolished — abolished,
that is to say, in hope rather than in deed ; for words which have
the sanction of two centuries of use are not so easily expunged.
When troops of cavalry first came into existence in England
they were at least sixty men strong ; when they were first organised
by Statute they were one hundred men strong. Squadrons,
again, were not compounds, but fractions of troops. Be that as
it may, however, the old word Troop was for the time abolished,
though not for long, and that of Squadron took its place. The
establishment of cornets was, therefore, reduced by four ; four
troop sergeant-majors became squadron quartermaster-sergeants ;
four farriers were reduced and four shoeing-smiths added ; and
an additional sergeant (fencing instructor) was also added to the
establishment. Simultaneously eight corporals and twenty-three
privates were reduced, bringing down the total strength from
588 to 553, while the number of horses (a more serious matter)
sank from 363 to 344.

In 1869 also the white plume, which had been adopted in
1857, was done away with, and a black plume issued in its stead.
The original plume of the regiment, as we have seen, was scarlet
and white, but was arbitrarily altered, for all Lancer regiments
alike, by King William IV., to black. The old mourning lace,
adopted by John Hale, having been long since abandoned, the
black plume might seem to be a means of prolonging its memory ;
but the prejudice of the regiment ran in favour of white (scarlet
and white being apparently out of date), and after a year or two
the white plume was restored.

168

Peace Service in India and England

In July of the same year the regiment marched to Edinburgh 1869.
and Hamilton, and remained in Scotland for ten months. This
was its first visit to North Britain since 1760, when Colonel John
Hale himself was in command. In 1870, as in 1764, the regiment 1870.
moved from Scotland to Ireland — history thus repeating itself (if
any one took notice of it) with commendable accuracy.

On the 15th August 1870 the establishment of the regiment
was increased — the men from 457 to 540, the horses from 300
to 350. For France and Germany just then were flying at each
other's throats, and even while the order was a-signing, were
fighting the four days' battle (August 14-18) around Metz. As
the outcome of this war, we shall have shortly to mention a
number of sweeping reforms in the army. Meanwhile let us note
that the first change of 1870, ordered before the war (ist April),
was a retrograde step — a reversion to the old troop organisation.
A step further back would have retained the name of a troop
with the strength of a squadron, as in the days of the Ironsides.
But the Army knows little of its own history.

With 1 87 1 we enter on the first series of reforms, or let us 1871.
call them changes, accomplished under the influence of the war of
1870.

First, the establishment of the regiment was fixed permanently
at eight troops, after vacillating for more than a century between
the minimum of six troops and the maximum of ten. Here, let
us note, is a final break with the traditions of the great Civil War,
when the six-troop organisation (each troop being 100 men strong)
was first founded. Strictly speaking, the system of 1645 continued
for some years later in the British regiments quartered in India ;
the Indian establishment consisting of six troops, while the other
two formed a depot in England ; but this failing has now been
remedied, and the old order is therefore wholly extinct.

Next, by Royal Warrant, the Purchase and Sale of Commis-
sions in the Army were abolished. The system had existed for
more than three hundred years, and had been threatened as far
back as 1766.

169

History of the 1 7th Lancers

Next the ** short service system " — six years' service with the
colours and six in the reserve — was introduced ; and thereby the
old British soldier of history was, for good or ill, extinguished.
The Seventeenth felt the change little before 1876; and the
British public hardly found it out before 1879. It may be worth
while to note that both short service^ and the territorial system
were first suggested just about a century before they were
4ntroduced.

Lastly, on the i st November the historic rank of Cornet was
/ abolished. Corneta or cornette signifies the horn -shaped troop
standard which (like the ensign in the infantry) gave its name alike
to the officer who carried it and to the troop that served under it.
The rank is gone and all its historic associations with it ; and a
generation is arising which will need to resort to a dictionary if it
would understand what Walpole meant when he called Pitt " that
terrible cornet of horse/' It is amusing to note that since the ex-
purgation of the word Cornet no abiding name has been found
for the rank of a junior subaltern of cavalry. Sub-lieutenants
there have been and second lieutenants, sometimes both and some-
times neither, but nothing of permanence.

1872. The following year witnessed the death of another venerable
institution, namely, of the *' churns " carried by farriers. The
name transports us to the days when farriers alone of cavalry
men were dressed in blue and were armed with axes. The
reintroduction of knee-boots, after an exile of sixty years, also
revived, though in a different fashion, the memory of early days.

1873- The year 1873 likewise brought with it a reversion to
primitive times in the shape of an order that greater attention
should be paid to dismounted duty, the cavalry being now
armed with the Snider carbine. This did not immediately affect
the Seventeenth, which as yet possessed no carbines, but it was

>875- destined to do so before long. Two years later came another
reform, this time in the matter of drill. The old system of

' The first hint of a short 'service system was given by a Frenchman, and presented, by trans-
lation, to England in 1 590.

170

Peace Service in India and England

standing pivots, or as it was called the "pivot system," was 1875.
abolished, and the "Evolutions" of 1759 lost their influence
on cavalry drill for ever.

While all these changes were going forward the Seventeenth was
quartered in Ireland, whither reform after reform pursued it across
St. George's Channel. Being in Ireland it was, of course, called
in to aid the civil power (Mallow election, 1872) but was spared
the trouble of dealing with any disturbance. In 1876 it was 1876.
brought over to England for mobilisation with the 5th Army Corps.
Having called attention to the disavowal or attempted disavowal
of the words Troop and Cornet, one cannot do less than
emphasise the introduction of the comparatively strange terms.
Mobilisation and Army Corps, which here confront the regiment
for the first time. The Seventeenth was encamped on Pointing-
down Downs in Somerset for a few weeks, and was reviewed with
the 5th Army Corps on the 22nd July. As it is unlikely that
the Seventeenth Lancers will ever again form part of a 5th Army
Corps (for it is not often that England is so rich in army-corps)
it seems well to record so unique an experience in a not un-
eventful career.

In this same year the Lancers' tunic was embellished with a
plastron of the colour of the regimental facings, — a change which
made the dress of the Seventeenth, by general admission, the
smartest in the Army. The plastron being an essential feature in
the uniform of the German Uhlan, is presumably imitated from
Napoleon's Polish Lancers. No one will quarrel with so smart
a dress ; but it is nevertheless a little curious that the whole world
should go to Poland for its Lancer fashions. The lance may be
called the oldest of cavalry weapons, at least it can demonstrably be
traced back beyond the days of Alexander the Great ; and its present
vogue is simply a return, and a late return, to an old favourite.
Its reputation as the queen of cavalry weapons is not one century,
but many centuries old ; and though it was for a time driven out
of the field by firearms, it may be said never to have wanted
champions. I have found the lance advocated, for instance, by a

171

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1876. French military writer in 1748, and by an English colonel,
Dalrymple, in 1761. In 1590 the best authorities swore by it.

In 1876, likewise, came two more changes — the one temporary
and the other permanent. The first was the issue of six carbines
to every troop, a sign of a further change to come. The second
was the appointment of the Duke of Cambridge to be Colonel-in-
Chief of the regiment, which from henceforth is designated the
" Duke of Cambridge's Own." In the early days of the Army it
was customary on all occasions to insert the colonel's name after
the regimental number ; and thus it has been easy to identify the
1 8th (Hale's) Light Dragoons of 1759 with the present Seven-
teenth Lancers. The only colonels whose names enjoyed the
distinction in the Seventeenth were Hale, Preston, and Gage.
The Duke's name is now permanently bound with that of the
regiment, a connection whereof, we trust, he will ever have
good reason to feel proud.

1877. After staying at Aldershot until August 1877, the Seventeenth
marched north to Leeds and Preston. After some service in aid
of the civil power, which brought it at Clitheroe in collision with
a mob of cotton operatives on strike, it returned to Aldershot in

1878. July 1878. A month later Colonel Drury Lowe retired, and was
succeeded by Colonel Gonne. The Adjutant, Lieutenant John
Brown, also resigned, but remained with the regiment as pay-
master with the rank of captain.

In 1878 a change was made in the armament of the Seven-
teenth which takes us back to the earliest days of the British army.
Martini -Henry carbines were issued, and pistols returned into
store. Carbines, of course, were no new thing in the regiment,
though they had been unknown therein since they were with-
drawn (weapons very different from the Martini) in 1823. The
bound from the old flint-lock to the Martini is remarkable ; but
the abolition of the pistol is even more noteworthy, for the pistol
was a direct survival from the days of the Ironsides. Quite un-
consciously the five regiments of Lancers carried the armament of
Cromwell's troopers into the forty-first year of Queen Victoria.

172

Peace Service in India and England

As a weapon the pistol had long been regarded as of no account : 1878,
it was a muzzle loader to the last, and as but ten rounds annually
were allowed to each man for practice therewith, it was hardly
taken seriously as a weapon at all. Still the abandonment of the
pistol, as a point of historical interest, deserves at least so much
notice. Sergeant-majors, and trumpeters were now provided
with revolvers, a change which was fated to have serious influence
on the careers of two oflicers of the regiment.

This year saw England committed to two wars, in Afghanistan
and in Zululand. It must now be told how the Seventeenth
Lancers played a part in both of them.

173

CHAPTER XV

THE ZULU WAR PEACE SERVICE IN INDIA AND AT HOME,

1879-1894

1879. At the beginning of February England was shocked by the
intelligence that one of Lord Chelmsford's columns, consisting
of the 24th Regiment, had been surprised and annihilated by the
Zulus at Isandlhwana (22nd January). The Seventeenth Lancers

loth Feb. was at once warned to proceed on active service in South Africa,
and the regiment was augmented by the transfer of sixty-five men
and horses from the 5th and i6th Lancers. In the short interval
between the warning and the embarkation the Commanding
Officer, Colonel Gonne, was accidentally shot while superintending
the practice of the non-commissioned officers with the newly
issued revolver, and so severely wounded as to be unable to pro-
ceed on active service. Accordingly, on the 22nd February,
Colonel Drury Lowe was gazetted as supernumerary Lieutenant-
Colonel, and reassumed command of the regiment, his return being
joyfully welcomed by all ranks, without exception, from the
second in command downwards. On the same day the regiment
was inspected by the Colonel -in -Chief at Hounslow, and two

24th Feb. days later one wing, under the command of Major Boulderson,
embarked on board the hired transport France at Victoria Docks ;
headquarters and the other wing embarking on board the England
at Southampton on the 25th. A depot of 121 men with 30 horses
was left under the command of Captain Benson at Hounslow.
The strength of the regiment, as embarked, was as follows : —

174

The Zulu War

Field Officer.

Captains.

it:

*^
en

Total.

•

m mm

Horses.

•

Headquarter wing

— England J
Left wing — France

7
9

302
238

25
21

238 i
*38

263
259

Totals

540

476 '

522

1879.

Both ships arrived at St. Vincent, Cape de Verdes, on the 7th
March to coal ; but owing to the great number of transports
assembled at the same place for the same purpose, the England
did not leave until the 12th, nor the France until the 14th. Both
ships were detained again at Table Bay for a few days to coal,
and arrived at Port Durban, the England on the 6th, and the
France on the 1 1 th April ; five horses dead on the former, and
six on the latter ship, were the casualties for the voyage. By the
14th both wings were disembarked, and the regiment then en-
camped for a day or two at Cator's Manor, near Durban — the
right wing, under Colonel Drury Lowe, finally marching on the
1 7th April to Landman's Drift, and the left wing, under Major
Boulderson, on the 21st April to Dundee.

The entire regiment shortly after marched up to Rorke's
Drift together with the King's Dragoon Guards, the whole being
under the command of Major-General Marshall. On the 21st
May it visited the battlefield of Isandlhwana, buried most of the
dead bodies, and brought back some of the abandoned waggons to
Rorke's Drift. On the 23[rd it joined the 2nd Division under
Major-General Newdegate at Landman's Drift, on the 28 th it
marched with it to Koppie Allein on the Blood River, and at last
on the 1st June crossed that river and entered Zululand.

On the 5 th June the regiment came in contact with the Zulus
for the first time at Erzungayan Hill. In a trifling skirmish
which ensued the Adjutant, Lieutenant Frith, was shot dead by the

175

History of the 17th Lancers

1879- Colonel's side. Two days later the division reached the Upoko
River. A squadron of the Seventeenth was now detached to do
duty at Fort Marshall, one of the posts constructed to guard the
line of communication. The remainder moved up with division
towards Ulundi, the kraal of the Zulu king. It was employed in
the usual reconnaissance and outpost duties, varied by an occasional
skirmish with the Zulus, but was never able to come to close
quarters with the enemy. It was not employed, nor was any part
of the strong force of cavalry available for the service, in a rapid
advance upon Ulundi, as had been expected and hoped.

On the 2nd July the second division and flying column
encamped on the south bank of the White Umvolosi River, about
five miles from Ulundi, and on the 4th crossed the river and ad-
vanced against the kraal. The three squadrons of the Seventeenth
formed the rear-guard ; but no opportunity occurred of attacking
the enemy on the march. The column was now rapidly enveloped
by the Zulus in great force, and the cavalry was ordered to withdraw
within the hollow square into which the infantry was formed. The
Zulu attack began at 8.50 a.m., and was maintained for three-
quarters of an hour within a hundred yards of a murderous artil-
lery and rifle fire. During this time the Seventeenth stood to their
horses under a heavy cross-fire, and suflFered some casualties, Lieu-
tenant Jenkins, among the officers, being shot in the jaw. About
9.30 the Zulus showed signs of wavering, and the Seventeenth was
ordered out of the square to attack. As they rode out Captain
Edgell was shot dead at the head of his squadron, and his troop
farrier was killed at the same instant. Once clear of the square
the regiment form'ed in echelon of wings, rank entire, covering
over three hundred yards of front, and charged. It was met by a
hot fire in front and flank from the Zulus, who were concealed in
long grass in a donga ; but charging right through them the Seven-
teenth scattered them in every direction, and then taking up the
pursuit hunted them with great execution for nearly two miles.
The horses were fresh, and there was no escape from the lances,
which the enemy now encountered for the first time. The Zulu

176

The Zulu War

army was not only defeated but dispersed by this pursuit, and 1879.
never appeared in the field again. The casualties of the Seventeenth
on this day were, one officer (Captain Wyatt Edgell) and two men
killed, three officers, viz. Colonel Drury Lowe, Lieutenant James,
Scots Greys, attached to the Seventeenth, Lieutenant and acting Ad-
jutant Jenkins, and five men wounded; the two first-named officers
slightly, and the third severely. Also 26 horses were killed and
wounded. The regiment was highly complimented, both verbally
and in orders, by the General for its conduct at Ulundi. The only
matter worthy of note in this short Zulu campaign is the heavy
loss suffered by the Seventeenth in officers as compared with men ;
and this through pure chance, for all ranks were equally exposed.

The regiment began the return march on the day after the
battle, with the 2nd Division, and arrived at the Upoko River on
the 15th July. On the 26th it was ordered to march to Koppie
Allein, to give over its horses to the King's Dragoon Guards, and
to proceed dismounted to Pinetown, where it arrived on the 21st
August. It was reduced a month later to six troops for Indian
service ; and 198 men then proceeded direct to England under
Lieutenant W. Kevill-Davies. On the ist October Colonel Drury
Lowe for the second time took leave of the regiment ; and
Major Boulderson took command. The regiment then embarked
for India ; the left wing under Captain Cook sailing on board
H.M.S. Serapis on 8th October, the right wing under Major
Boulderson on board H.M.S. Crocodile on the 20th, and arriving
at Bombay on the 28 th October and loth November respectively.
The regiment was quartered at Mhow, the point from which it
had started on the chase of Tantia Topee, twenty-one years
before ; the headquarters and the right wing arriving there on the
ist, and the left wing on the 14th November. Finally, on the
4th December Lieutenant-Colonel Gonne, who had recovered from
his wound, arrived from England and took over the command.
He was the only officer remaining in the regiment who had served
with it in Central India in 1858-59.

The Seventeenth had not been long in India before a request

177 N

History of the i yth Lancers

1880. came from General Phayre that the regiment might be sent up to
join his force on active service in Afghanistan, — a request which,
unfortunately, could not be complied with, owing to the defective
state of the saddlery which was taken over in India. In July,
however, twenty non-commissioned officers and men were sent up
to do duty with the Transport on the Quetta-Candahar route. In
this, as in all cases in the history of the regiment when small parties
of men have been detached for particular duty, one and all did
extremely well, and were complimented on the excellence of their
work in an order published by the Commander-in-Chief of the
Bombay Presidency. To make the parallel complete, two of these
twenty now hold commissions — Major Forbes, the officer second
in command of the King's Dragoon Guards, and Lieutenant
Pilley, who remains with the Seventeenth as riding-master.

1881. In April of the following year Lieutenant-Colonel Gonne
retired from the command, being appointed Military Attache at
St Petersburg ; and in November Paymaster Captain John Brown
took leave of the regiment with which he had been associated for
five-and-thirty years. He and Major Berryman, the latter some-
time the regimental Quartermaster, are the only two members oi
the Seventeenth who went through Balaclava, Central India, and
South Africa.

The Seventeenth remained at Mhow until January 1884 with-
out further incident worth the chronicling. Its old Colonel, General
Drury Lowe, however, was meanwhile adding to his reputation in
Egypt, where he commanded the cavalry division in the campaign
of 1882. The pursuit of Arabi's army after the action of Tel-el -
Kebir by the British cavalry, and the surrender of Cairo and of
Arabi himself to General Drury Lowe, are matters of history.
From the close of that campaign we must speak of him as Sir
Drury Lowe, K.C.B.
1884. In February 1884 the Seventeenth Lancers relieved the loth
Hussars at Lucknow. In July Lieutenant-General Benson, who
had commanded the regiment during the Central Indian campaign,
became its Colonel. In December of the same year the regiment

178

f?ry^r/ ///iz^.

//f:

z^Mferd. M.92.

Peace Service

furnished a squadron to act as escort to the Commander-in-Chief 1884,
in India, General Sir F. Roberts, at the camp of exercise in India.

The regiment remained at Lucknow until the expiration of its
term of Indian service, embarking for England on H.M.S. Serapis 1890.
on the 9th October 1890. One squadron was disembarked at
Suez for duty with the army of occupation in Egypt, and was
quartered at Abbasiyeh near Cairo. The remaining troops disem-
barked at Portsmouth on the 3rd of November. Of the non-com-
missioned officers and men who went out with the regiment to the
Zulu War in 1879, j^^^ thirty returned with it in 1890 ; yet this
was not due to death, for the Seventeenth lost but seventy men
from disease during its last period of Indian service, an astonishing
contrast to its former experiences in the times of the Pindari War
and the Mutiny. For a year after its return the Seventeenth was 1891.
quartered at ShornclifFe, where it was rejoined in November 1891
by the squadron that had been detached to Egypt, and then
resumed the usual round of home service. The following year 1892.
was marked by the successful introduction of the "squadron
organisation," which had been already tried in 1869.

In January General Benson died, and the colonelcy of the regi-
ment fell vacant. And as for the present we must close the
history of the Seventeenth Lancers at this point, we cannot more
fitly end it than with the name of General Benson's successor, the
fifteenth and not the least Colonel of the regiment. Sir Drury
Curzon Drury Lowe, K.C.B.

179

APPENDIX A

A LIST OF THE OFFICERS OF THE I7TH LIGHT

DRAGOON LANCERS

Note. — ^The constant variation in the spelling of names in the earlier years of the regiment has
made the preservation of uniformity in this respect a matter of great difficulty. I am still in
doubt as to the correct method of spelling many names, and I can only plead that these
doubts were shared by the owners of the names themselves.

1759

Lieutenant-Colonel, — John Hale
Major, — John Blaquiere
Captains, — Franklin Kirby
Samuel Birch
Martin Basil
Edward Lascelles
John Burton
Samuel Townsend
Lieutenants. — Thomas Lee

William Green
Henry Wallop
Joseph Hall
Henry Cope
Yelverton Peyton
Cornets. — Robert Archdale
Henry Bishop
Joseph Stopford
Henry Crofton
Joseph Moxham
Daniel Brpwn
Adjutant. — Richard Westbury
Surgeon. — John Francis
Agent. — Mr. Calcraft, Channel Row,
Westminster

1 760-1 761

Lieutenant-Colonel. — John Hale
Major. — ^John Blaquiere
Captains. — Samuel Birch

Edward Lascelles
Charles Mawhood
John Burton
John Marriott

Baillie

Lieutenants. — Thomas Lea

William Green
Joseph Hall
Henry Wallop
Yelverton Peyton
N. Lane
Cornets. — Robert Archdale
Henry Bishop
Joseph Stopford
Henry Crofton
Joseph Moxham
Daniel Brown
George Birch
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
George Oliver

181

History of the i yth Lancers

Cornet. — Samuel Burton
Adjutant, — Richard Westbury
Surgeon. — ^John Francis

1762

Lieut. 'Colonel Commandant. — John

Hale
Major. — ^John Blaquiere
Captains. — Samuel Birch

Edward Lascelles
Charles Mawhood
John Burton
John Marriott

Baillie

Lieutenants. — Thomas Lea

1763

Lieut. -Colonel Commandant. — John

Hale
Major. — ^John Blaquiere
Captains. — Samuel Birch

Charles Mawhood

John Marriott

Joseph Hall

Francis Lascelles

Captain. — Henry Bishop
Captain- Lieut. — Thomas Lea
Lieutenants. — Yelverton Peyton

N. Lane
Francis Jenison
Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Cornets. — Henry Crofton

Daniel Brown

George Birch

Francis Gwynne

James Poole

George Oliver

Samuel Burton

Richard Gwynne

John Evans

Drury Wake

John Collings

Richard Parry
Adjutant. — ^Joseph Moxham
Surgeon. — John Francis

1764

Colonel. — John Hale
Lieut. -Colonel. — ^John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — John Marriott
Joseph Hall
Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Captain-Lieut. — Yelverton Peyton
Lieutenants. — N. Lane

Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Cornets. — Henry Crofton
Daniel Brown
George Evans
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Chaplain. — Thomas Ashcroft
Adjutant. — ^Joseph Moxham
Surgeon. — ^John Francis.

182

Appendix A

1765

Colonel, — ^John Hale
Lieut, 'Colonel, — ^John Blaquiere
Major, — Samuel Birch
Captains,— John Marriott
Joseph Hall
Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Captain- Lieut, — Yelverton Peyton
Lieutenants, — N. Lane

Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Cornets. — Henry Crofton
Daniel Brown
George Evans
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Chaplain, — Thomas Ashcroft
Adjutant, — Joseph Moxham
Surgeon. — ^John Francis

1766

Colonel, — John Hale
Lieut, 'Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains,— ]ose,i^\i Hall

Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Thomas S. Hall
Francis Gwynne
Captain- Lieut, — Robert Eyre
Lieutenants, — N. Lane

Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
James Poole
Harry Nettles
Cornets, — Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Patrick Lynch
George Bennett
Hamlet Obins

Cornet. — John Francis
Chaplain, — Thomas Ashcroft
Adjutant, — Joseph Moxham
Surgeon, — William Waring

1767

Colonel. — ^John Hale
Lieut, 'Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Francis Elliott
Captain- Lieut, — Robert Eyre
Lieutenants. — Nat. Lane

Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Cornets, — Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Chaplain, — Thomas Ashcroft
Adjutant, — ^Joseph Moxham
Surgeon, — William Waring

1768

Colonel, — ^John Hale
Lieut. 'Colonel. — ^John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Gwynne
James Poole
Francis Elliott
Captain' Lieut, — Robert Eyre
Lieutenants, — N. Lane

Robert Archdale
Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles

183

History of the 1 7th Lancers

Lieutenant, — Benjamin Bunbury
Cornets. — Matthew Patteshall

Hamlet Obins

John Francis

Martin Kerr

James Hussey

Frederick Metzer
Chaplain. — Thomas Ashcroft
Adjutant. — John St. Clair
Surgeon. — ^William Waring

1769

Colonel. — John Hale
Lieut. 'Colonel. — ^John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop
Thomas Lea
Francis Ed. Gwynne
James Poole
Arthur Blake
Captain- Lieut. — Robert Eyre
Lieutenants. — Robert Archdale

Joseph Moxham
Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Cornets. — Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
Chaplain. — James Adams
Adjutant. — ^John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1770

Colonel. — ^John Hale

Lieut. 'Colonel. — John Blaquiere

Major. — Samuel Birch

Captains. — Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
Richard Carew

Captain. — Richard Gardiner
Captain- Lieut. — Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants. — Robert Archdale

Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
Cornets. — ^John Francis
Martin Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Shadd
Thomas Whittaker
Chaplain. — ^James Adams
Adjutant. — ^John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1771

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. "Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Vincent Corbet
Captain- Lieut. — ^Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants. — Robert Archdale

Harry Nettles
Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
Cornets. — John Francis
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
Chaplain. — James Adams
Adjutant. — John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1772
Colonel. — George Preston

184

Appendix A

Lieut. -Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop
James Poole
C. Fortescue Garstin.
T. Van Straubenzee
Vincent Corbet
Captain-Lieut. — Joseph Moxham
Lieutenants. — Robert Archdale

1773

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. -Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Samuel Birch
Captains. — Henry Bishop

C. Fortescue Garstin
T. Van Straubenzee
Richard Crewe
Joseph Moxham
Captain- Lieut. — Robert Archdale
Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
Hamlet Obins
John Francis
Cornets. — Mark Kerr

James Hussey
Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair

Chaplain. — Richard Griffith
Adjutant. — John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1774

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. -Colonel. — John Blaquiere
Major. — Henry Bishop
Captains. — C. F. Garstin
Richard Carew
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Captain- Lieut. — Robert Archdale
Lieutenants. — Henry Nettles

Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
Cornets. — James Hussey

Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Chaplain. — Richard Griffith
Adjutant. — John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

177s

Colonel. — George Preston

Lieut. -Colonel. — John Blaquiere

Major. — Henry Bishop

Captains. — C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. Van Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham

Captain-Lieut. — Robert Archdale

Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Benjamin Bunbury

Matthew Patteshall

H. Obins

185

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenants, — John Francis

Mark Kerr
Cornets. — James Hussey

Frederick Metzer
Thomas Whittaker
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
Thomas J. Cook
Chaplain, — Richard Griffith
Adjutant, — ^John St. Clair
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston

1776

Colonel, — George Preston
Lieut, -Colonel. — ^Joh n Blaq ui ere
Major, — Henry Bishop
Captains, — C. F. Garstin
Richard Crewe
T. V. Straubenzee
Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Captain- Lieut, — Robert Archdale
Lieutenants, — Harry Nettles

Benjamin Bunbury
Matthew Patteshall
H. Obins
John Francis
Mark Kerr
Cornets, — James Hussey

Frederick Metzer
William Loftus
John St. Clair
Samuel Bagot
William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
David St. Clair
John Sloper
Peter Anderson
John Hamilton
Chaplain. — Richard Griffith
Adjutant, — ^John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1777

Colonel, — George Preston
Lieut, -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Richard Crewe
Captains, — Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
Captain- Lieut, — Robert Archdale
Lieuts. — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall

Mark Kerr
James Hussey

Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
Cornets. — Frederick Metzer

John St. Clair

Samuel Bagot

David Ogilvy

John Sloper

Peter Anderson

John Hamilton

Thomas Patterson

John Jones

Samuel Watts

William St. Leger
Chaplain, — Richard Griffith
Adjutant, — John St. Clair
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston

1778

Colonel, — George Preston
Lieut, -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Richard Crewe
Captains, — ^Joseph Moxham
Oliver Delancey
Hon. F. Needham
Hon. Thomas Stanley
R. H. Elliston
Captain- Lieut,- -Robert Archdale
Lieutenants, — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr

186

Appendix A

Lieutenants, — James, Hussey

Geo., Visct. Deerhurst
Wm., Lord Cathcart
Cornets. — Frederick Mefzer

John St. Clair

Samuel Bagot

David Ogilvy

John Sloper

John Hamilton

Thomas Patterson

John Jones

Samuel Watts

William St. Leger

Thomas Romain

T. Smith Bradshaw
Chaplain. — Richard Griffith
Adjutant. — John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1779

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. -Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Lord Cathcart
Wm. Henry Talbot
(Two vacancies)
Captain- Lieut. — Robert Archdale
Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
Samuel Bagot
Cornets. — William St. Leger
David Ogilvy
John Sloper
John Hamilton
John Jones
T. Smith Bradshaw
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque

Chaplain. — Richard Griffith
Adjutant. — ^John St. Clair
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1780

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. -Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Hon. F. Needham
Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
Captain- Lieut. — Robert Archdale
Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
T. Smith Bradshaw
Cornets. — David Ogilvy
John Jones
J. Stapleton
Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
J. Thos. Fonblanque
Thomas Tucker
John Black
Chaplain. — ^John Beevor
Adjutant. — ^John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — Cox, Muir & Co.

1781

Colonel. — George Preston
Lieut. -Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale

Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
Captain-Lieut. — ^John Stapleton
Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey

187

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenant, — ^John Jones
Cornets, — Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
Thomas Tucker
John Black
David M'CuUoch
Warren Delancey
Joseph White
Chaplain, — John Beevor
Adjutant, — ^John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents, — Cox, Muir & Co.

1782

Colonels, — George Preston

Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale

Wm. Henry Talbot
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
Captain- Lieut, — John Stapleton
Lieutenants. — Harry Nettles

Matthew Patteshall
Mark Kerr
James Hussey
John Jones
Cornets, — Thomas Patterson
Charles Searle
John St. Clair
Thomas Tucker
John Black
Warren Delancey
Joseph White
David MacCulloch
William Jephson
William Woodley
Chaplain, — John Beevor
Adjutant, — ^John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1783

Colonel. — Hon. Thomas Gage

Lieut. 'Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains, — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
T. Smith Bradshaw
John Stapleton
Captain,- Lieut, — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants, — Matthew Patteshall

Mark Kerr
James Hussey
John Jones
Henry G. Grey
Cornets, — ^John St. Clair

Thomas Tucker
John Black
Warren Delancey
William Jephson
Joseph White
William Woodley
George Birch
C. L. Wallace
Ralph Hamilton
Chaplain, — John Beevor
Adjutant, — John Jones
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston
Agents, — Cox, Muir & Co.

1784

Colonel, — Hon. Thomas Gage
Lieut, 'Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains, — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
Captain- Lieut, — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants, — ^James Hussey

John Jones
Henry G. Grey
John Black
Cornets, — ^John St. Clair

William Jephson
Joseph White
Francis E. Lee
Chaplain, — John Beevor

188

Appendix A

Adjutant, — John Jones
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston
Agents, — Cox, Muir & Co.

1785

Colonel. — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut, -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains, — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Jones

Henry G. Grey
John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
Cornets, — William Jephson
Joseph White
Evan Lloyd
Richard Odium
R. F. Currie
Chaplain, — John Beevor
Adjutant, — John Jones
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston

1786

Colonel, — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut, -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains, — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
Captain- Lieut, — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants, — John Jones

John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
Cornets, — William Jephson
Joseph White
Richard Odium

Cornets, — R. F. Currie

William WeUs

Francis E. Lee
Chaplain, — A. Greenfield
Adjutant, — ^John Jones
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston
Agents, — Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1787

Colonel, — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut.-Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
John Stapleton
William St. Leger
Captain-Lieut, — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants, — John Jones

John Black
Thomas Tucker
William Hatton
Cornets, — ^William Jephson
Joseph White
Evan Lloyd
Richard Odium
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
Chaplain, — A. Greenfield
Adjutant. — John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1788

189

History of the 17th Lancers

Lieutenants. — John Black

Thomas Tucker
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Cornets. — Joseph White
Richard Odium
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
Chaplain. — A. Greenfield
Adjutant. — John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — ^Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1789

Colonel. — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut. -Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
William St. Leger
George Pigott
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Jones

John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Joseph White
Cornets. — Richard Odium
Francis E. Lee
Samuel Stapleton
P. D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1790

Colonel. — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Samuel Birch

Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale
Samuel Bagot
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Jones

John Black
Evan Llovd
William Jephson
Richard Odium
Cornets. — Frank E. Lee

Peter D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — ^John Jones
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — Wybrants & Son, Dublin

1791

Colonel. — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut. -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — Robert Archdale
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — -John Jones

John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odium
Cornets. — Francis E. Lee

Peter D. du Moulin
Thomas Grey
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — John Gibson
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston
Agents. — Wybrants & Son, Dublin

190

Appendix A

1792

ColoneL — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut. -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major, — Oliver Delancey
Captains, — Robert Archdale
George Pigott
Hon. John Hope
Captain- Lieut, — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Jones

John Black
Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odium
Cornets, — Peter David du Moulin
William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
(3 vacancies)
Chaplain, — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant, — ^John Gibson
Surgeon, — Christopher Johnston

1793

Colonel, — Thomas, Earl of Lincoln
Lieut, -Colonel, — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — George Pigott

Charles Maitland
John Jones
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Black

Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odium
William S. Bacon
Cornets. — Peter D. du Moulin
Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Leonard Shafto Orde
Theobald Butler
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — Edward Wilson
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1794

ColoneL — Thomas, Duke of New-
castle
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Samuel Birch
Major. — Oliver Delancey
Captains. — George Pigott

Charles Maitland
John Jones
Captain- Lieut. — Harry Nettles
Lieutenants. — John Black

Evan Lloyd
William Jephson
Richard Odium
William S. Bacon
Cornets. — Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Theobald Butler
William L. Murray
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — ^John Main waring
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

179s

Colonel. — Thomas, Duke of New-
castle
Lieut. -Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Major. — Harry Nettles
Captains. — Charles Maitland
John Jones
Evan Lloyd
Hon. John Creighton
John Black
William L. Murray
Captain- Lieut. — William Jephson
Lieutenants. — Richard Odium

William S. Bacon
Christopher Johnston
William Richards
Oswald Werge
Thomas Butler
(2 vacancies)
Cornet. — Samuel Bristow

191

History of the 17 th Lancers

Cornets. — Richard Aylmer

Richard Garstin

John Jones

Edward Wilson

Richard Edwards

David Supple

(2 vacancies)
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — ^John Mainwaring
Surgeon. — Christopher Johnston

1796

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut. 'Colonel. — George Hardy
Majors. — Harry Nettles

Evan Lloyd
Captains. — John Black

William Jephson
Francis Gore
Robert Fletcher
Robert Lrowe
James MacDonell
Capt.'Lieut. — Christopher Johnston
Lieutenants. — William Richards

Oswald Werge
Thomas Butler
Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
Cornets. — ^John Mainwaring
James Byrne
John Gildea
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Jones
Thomas Smithson
John Delancey
William Grey
John Willington
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant.- -John Mainwaring
Surgeon. — John Robinson

1797

Colonel^ — Oliver Delancey

Lieut. 'Colonel. — Henry George Grey

Majors. — Evan Lloyd

William Jephson
Captains. — Francis Gore

Robert Fletcher
Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey
Captain- Lieut. — William Richards
Lieutenants. — Oswald Werge

Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring
James Byrne
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Jones
John Delancey
Cornets. — ^Jon. Willington
John Jappie
Thomas Glegg
Thomas A. Cookson
Chaplain. — Thomas Sneyd
Adjutant. — ^John Mainwaring
Surgeon. — John Robinson

1798

Colonel. — Charles Delancey

Lieut.-Colonel. — H. G. Grey

Majors. — Evan Lloyd

William Jephson

Captains. — Francis Gore

Robert Fletcher
Robert Lowe
James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey

Captain-Lieut. — William Richards

192

Appendix A

Lieutenants. — Oswald Werge

Richard Aylmer
Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
John Delancey
Peter Carey
J. Cocks
Vere L. Ward
Cornets, — Jon. Willi ngton
John Werge
John Jappie
Thomas Ahmuty
John M. Winter
Thomas Cocker ill
William Roycraft
Adjutant, — ^ William Roycraft
Surgeon. — William Robinson
As St. 'Surgeon. — Thomas Thompson
Veterinary- Surgeon. — James Burt

1799

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut. 'Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — William Jephson

Francis Gore
Captains. — Robert Lowe

James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
William H. Delancey
William Richards
Robert Jones
Captain- Lieut. — Oswald Werge
Lieutenants. — Richard Aylmer

Richard Garstin
Edward Wilson
Richard Edwards
David Supple
John Mainwaring

Lieutenants. — Philip Teesdale

James Hellings
John Delancey
Peter Carey
J. Cocks
V. L. Ward
Jon. Willington
Cornets. — John Werge
John Jappie
Thomas Ahmuty
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
William Ogden
John Laing
James O'Reilly
John Clarke
Adjutant. — William Roycraft
Surgeon. — William Robinson
Assistant-Surgeon. — Lewis Bowen
Veterinary- Surgeon. — James Burt
Paymaster. — ^James Byrne
Agents. — Cox & Company
1796. — Chaplain discontinued
1797. — Assistant-Surgeon appointed
1 798. — Paymaster appointed
1 799. — A second Lieut. - Colonel
appointed

1800

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey

Lieut. -Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd

Majors. — William Jephson
Francis Gore

Captains. — Robert Lowe

James MacDonell
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard

Captain- Lieut. — Edward Wilson

Lieutenant. — David Supple

193

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenants. — John Mainwaring

Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Peter Carey
Jon. Willington
R. K. Garden
John Werge
John Laing
John Delancey
P. K. Roche
Cornets. — ^John Jappie

Thomas Ahmuty
William Roycraft
Thomas Cocker ill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
George Lang
James Annesley
Edward Kelly
H. W. Thompson
Adjutant. — ^William Roycraft
Surgeon. — William Robinson
Assistant-Surgeon. — Lewis Bowen
Veterinary Surgeon. — James Burt
Paymaster. — James Byrne
Agents. — Cox & Company

(A second Assistant-Surgeon
appointed)

1801

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey

Lieut. 'Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd

Majors. — William Jephson
Francis Gore

Captains. — James MacDonell
Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard

Captain-Lieut. — Edward Wilson

Lieutenants. — David Supple

John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Peter Carey
Jon. Willington
John Werge
John Laing
Wm. Ch. Jerningham
P. K. Roche
Cornets. — ^John Jappie

William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
George Lang
James Annesley
William J. Kent
W. B. Laird
Joseph Tyndale
Adjutant. — William Roycraft
Surgeon. — William Robinson
Asst.-Surgeons. — Samuel Tilt

Alexander Menzies
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^James Peers
Paymaster. — James Byrne
Agents. — Cox & Company

1802

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut. -Colonels, — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — William Jephson

Francis Gore
Captains. — ^James MacDonell
Robert Lowe
Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Gerrard
Captain- Lieut. — Edward Wilson
Lieutenant. — David Supple

194

Appendix A

Lieutenants, — John Mainwaring

Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
John Werge
P. K. Roche
Wm. Ch.Jerningham
W. B. Laird
John Jappie
William Roycraft
Thomas Cockerill
Henry Harris
Joseph Hawtyn
Henry F. R. Soane
Richard Miller
James Annesley
Cornets, — William J. Kent
Joseph Tyndale
Montfort Westropp
William Brown
Edmund SafFerey

Gledd

Brydges

De Lancey Barclay
(Staff as in previous year)

1803

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut. 'Colonels, — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — William Jephson
James MacDonell
Captains. — Robert Lowe

Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
John Daniell
Captain- Lieut. — Edward Wilson
Lieutenants. — David Supple

John Mainwaring
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
P. K. Roche

Lieutenants. — ^Wm. Ch. Jerningham

W. Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
Cornets. — Joseph Tyndale

Montfort Westropp

William Brown

Edmund Safferey

Gledd

Thomas Turner
Paymaster, — James Byrne
Adjutant, — William Roycraft
Surgeon. — William Robinson
As St. -Surgeons. — Samuel Tilt

Alexander Menzies
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^James Peers

1804

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut. -Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — William Jephson

James MacDonell
Captains. — Robert Lowe

Christopher Johnston
Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Edward Wilson
John Werge
W. B. Laird
David Supple
Lieutenants. — Philip Teesdale

James Hellings
Jonathan Willington
P. K. Roche
William Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
Montfort Westropp
Edmund SafFerey
Thomas Turner
Cornets. — William Brown

John Sharland Harris
J. R. L. Lloyd
William C. Faulkner
William D'Arcy

^95

(

History of the 17 th Lancers

Cornet. — William Moray
Paymaster. — ^James Byrne
Adjutant. — William Roycraft
Surgeon. — ^James O'Connor
Assistant-Surgeon. — Samuel Tilt
Veterinary Surgeon. — James Peers

1805

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieut.-Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — ^James MacDonell

Christopher Johnston
Captains. — Oswald Werge
Richard Aylmer
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
John Werge
W. B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
Lieutenants, — Jonathan Willington

William Roycraft
De Lancey Barclay
Edmund SafFerey
Thomas Turner
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
W. C. Faulkner
William D'Arcy
J. R. Lloyd
William Moray
Cornets. — Ralph Laurence
Robert D'Arcy
James Reid
Charles Johnson
William Abbs
(2 vacancies)
Paymaster. — James Byrne
Adjutant. — William Roycraft
Surgeon. — James Anderson
Assistant-Surgeon. — Samuel Tilt

Assistant-Surgeon. — ^John Hemphill
Vet. Surg. — Edward Coleman

1806

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey
Lieutenant- Colonels. — H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — ^James MacDonell

Henry Loftus
Captains. — Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
W. B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
Francis D'Arcy Bacon
Archibald Ross
Lieutenants. — ^Jonathan Willington

William Roycraft
Edmund SafFerey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
W. C. Faulkner
William D'Arcy
J. R. L. Lloyd
Wm. Moray
Robert D'Arcy
Ralph Lawrenson
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
Cornets. — ^James. Delancey
John Lane
Edward Wrixon
Charles White
Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas LahifF

196

Appendix A

Cornet. — James Butler

(Staff as in 1805)
Agents. — Messrs. Arnutt & Brough,
Dublin

1807

Colonel. — Oliver Delancey

Lieut. 'Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
Captains. — Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
William B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
James Hellings
P. K. Roche
F. D. Bacon
Archibald Ross
Lieutenants. — ^Jonathan Willington

William Roycraft
Edmund SafFerey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
William D'Arcy
Ralph Lawrenson
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
James Delancey
Cornets. — ^John Lane

Edward Wrixon
Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas LahifF
James Butler
G. W. R. Lewin
Paymaster. — James Byrne

Adjutant. — ^William Roycraft
Surgeon. — ^James Anderson
Assistant-Surgeons. — ^James Tilt

Howship

Vet. Surg. — Edward Coleman

1808

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey

Lieut. 'Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
Captains. — Oswald Werge
Edward Wilson
John Daniell
William B. Laird
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
P. K. Roche
Francis D. Bacon
Archibald Ross
Jonathan Willington
Lieutenants. — ^William Roycraft

Edmund SafFerey
William Brown
Hon. John Jones
William D'Arcy
J. R. L. Lloyd
Robert D'Arcy
William Moray
James Read
Henry Walker
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
John Blake
James de Lancey
John Lane
Cornets. — Edward Wrixon

Bartholomew Thomas
Frederick Geale
Thomas LahifF
James Butler

197

History of the 17th Lancers

Cornet. — G. W. R. Lewin
Paymaster, — (Vacant)
Adjutant. — William Roy craft
Surgeon. — James Anderson
Assistant-Surgeons. — Samuel Tilt

Howship

Vet. Surg. — Edward Coleman

1809

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey

Lieut. -Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — Henry Loftus
Lynch Cotton
Captains. — Oswald Werge
David Supple
Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Yonge
Thomas Forster
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
Lieutenants. — Edmund SafFerey

William Brown
Hon. John Jones
J. R. L. Lloyd
James Read
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas LahifF
Edward Wrixon
G. W. Wallace
John Bracken bury
H. E. Lynch
John D'Arcy

Johnson

William Gale
Cornets. — G. W. R. Lewin
James Tomkinson

Cornets. — Michael Ryan

Joseph Budden

William Henry Robinson
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — William Gale
Surgeon. — William King
Assistant-Surgeons. — John White

David Christie
Vet. Surg. — Edward Coleman

1810

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey

Lieut. -Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
Majors. — Oswald Werge

Charles Morland
Captains. — David Supple

Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Yonge
Thomas Forster
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
James Conran
Lieutenants. — Edmund SafFerey

William Brown
Hon. John Jones
James Read
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas LahifF
Edward Wrixon
John Bracken bury
H. E. Lynch
John D'Arcy

Johnson

William Gale
James Tomkinson
Michael Ryan

198

Appendix A

Lieutenants, — ^Joseph Budden

W. H. Robinson
F. W. Hutchinson
Cornets, — Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
Robert Willington
William Daniel
John Smith
J. M'Keale Anderson
Paymaster, — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — William Gale
Surgeon. — ^William King
Assistant'Surgeons, — John White

David Christie
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edward Cole-
man

1811

Colonel.-^OWv&Y de Lancey
Lieut. 'Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
G. J. Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
James Con ran
William Brown
David M'Neale
Lieutenants. — Edmund SafFerey

Hon. John Jones
John Burton
Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas LahifF
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury

Lieutenants. — H. E. Lynch

John D'Arcy
William Gale

Johnson

Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles B. Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
John Smith
Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
Cornets. — Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
J. M'Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake
James Cockburn
Fra. Haworth
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — William Gale
^artermaster. — ^Thomas Carson
Surgeon. — William King
Assistant-Surgeons. — ^John White

David Christie
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edward Cole-
man

1812

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. 'Colonels. — Hon. H. G. Grey

Evan Lloyd
William Carden
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George John Sale
William Moray

199

History of the 17 th Lancers

Captains. — Henry Walker

William Roycraft
William Brown
Daniel M'Neale
John Burton
Lieutenants, — Hon. John Jones

Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas LahifF
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
H. E. Lynch
John Darcy
William Gale

Johnson

Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
C. B. Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
John Smith
Thomas Kendall
Fran. Curtayne
James Cock burn
Robert Willington
Cornets. — William Daniel

J. M'K. Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake
Fran. Haworth

Carew

Samuel Orr
William MacFarlane
Samuel Enderby
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — William Gale
Sluartermaster. — Thomas Carson
Surgeon. — William King
Assistant-Surgeons. — ^John White

David Christie
Fet. Surgeon. — Edward Coleman

1813

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. -Cols. — Evan Lloyd

William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Philip Teesdale
Jonathan Willington
James Grant
George Jno. Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
William Brown
Daniel M^Nealc
Jno. Burton
Lieutenants. — Hon. John Jones

Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Thomas LahifF
Edward Wrixon
John Brackenbury
Henry Edward Lynch
John D'Arcy

Johnson

Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
Fran. Curtayne
James Cockburn
Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
Cornets. — ^J. M'Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Isidore Blake

200

Appendix A

Cornets, — H. Carew

William MacFarlane
John Marks
Richard Willington

Paymaster. — Robert Harman

Adjutant. — ^John Marks

^artermaster. — Thomas Carson

Surgeon. — William King

Assistant-Surgeon. — ^John Lorimer

Fet. Surgeon. — Edward Coleman

1814

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. -Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

William Carden
Hon. L. Stanhope
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
William Roycraft
Daniel M'Neale
James Burton
Hugh Percy Davidson
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
Lieutenants. — Hon. John Jones

Frederick Willoe
Charles Johnson
Benjamin Adams
Edward Wrixon
John Bracken bury
John D'Arcy
Michael Ryan
Joseph Budden
William H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
F. E. Cawne
Francis Curtayne

Lieutenants. — ^James Cockburn

Robert Willington
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
John Eraser
J. M'Keale Anderson
Benjamin Astley
Cornets. — Isidore Blake
H. Carew
W. MacFarlane
John Marks
Richard Willington
John Tomlinson
Thomas Hurring
William Gibson Peat
Oliver Delancey
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — ^John Marks
^artermaster. — Thomas Carson
Surgeon. — Alexander Young
Asst.'Surgeons. — ^John Lorimer

Eugene M^Swiney
f^et. Surgeon. — Edward Coleman

1815

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey

Lieut. -Cols. — Evan Lloyd

William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope

Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson

Captains. — David Supple

Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
William Moray
Henry Walker
Daniel M'Neale
Hugh Percy Davidson
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
T. Perrouet Thompson
Joseph Smyth

Lieutenant. — Benjamin Adams

201

History of the 17th Lancers

Lieutenants. — ^John Bracken bury

John D'Arcy

Michael Ryan

Joseph Budden

W. Henry Robinson

Charles Byrne Sale

F. W. Hutchinson

Robert Coulthard

Francis Curtayne
James Cockburn

Robert Willington

William Daniel

Henry Bond

Francis Haworth

Benjamin Astley

T. Ramsay Wharton

George Daun

C. G. A. Skinner

Isidore Blake

W. Hackett

Cornets. — H. Carew

William M'Farlane

Richard Willington

John Tomlinson

Thomas Hurring

W. Gibson Peat

Oliver de Lancey

William Potts

George Clarke

James Patch

Paymaster. — Robert Harman

Adjutant. — William Hackett

^artermaster. — Thomas Carson

Surgeon. — Alexander Young

Asst. Surgeons, — ^John Lorimer

Eugene M'Swiney

Vet. Surgeon. — Edward Coleman

1816

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey

Lieut.'Cols. — Evan Lloyd

William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope

Major. — Oswald Werge

Major. — Nathan Wilson

Captains. — David Supple

Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M'Neale
Hon. Leicester Stanhope
John Atkins
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill

Lieutenants. — ^John Brackenbury

John D'Arcy
Joseph Budden
William H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
H. Bond
Francis Haworth
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M'Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
William Hackett
John Tomlinson
Charles Greville
Cornets. — Richard Willington
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William Potts
George Clarke
James Patch
N. Raven
Thomas M'Kenzie
Peter Backhouse
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — William Hackett
Sluartermaster. — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — W. Wybrow
Asst.-Surgeons. — ^John Lorimer

Eugene M'Swiney
Vet. Surgeon.- Edward Coleman

202

Appendix A

1817

ColoneL — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. 'Cols. — Evan Lloyd

William Garden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M^Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
Lieutenants. — ^John Brackenbury

John D'Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Francis Haworth
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
W. M^Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L'Etang
John Tomlinson
Henry Court Amiel
Charles Greville
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Cornets. — Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William Potts
George Clarke
T. EUman
J. Patch
N. Raven

Cornets. — P. Backhouse
Thomas Carey
Thomas Nicholson
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — Thomas Carey
^artermaster. — James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
As St.- Surgeons. — John Lor i mer

Thomas Price
Vet. Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1818

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. -Cols. — Evan Lloyd

William Carden
Hon. Lincoln Stanhope
Majors. — Oswald Werge
Nathan Wilson
Captains. — David Supple

Jonathan Willington
George John Sale
Daniel M^Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
Charles Wayth
Lieutenants. — ^John Brackenbury

John D'Arcy
Joseph Budden
W. Henry Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Robert Coulthard
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William MTarlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L'Etang

203

History of the 1 7th Lancers

Lieutenants. — John Tomlinson

Henry Court Amiel
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
Cornets. — William Potts
George Clarke
T. Ellman
James Patch
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
James Byrne Smith
J. B. Nixon
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant.— ]2iVCits Byrne Smith
^artermaster. — James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Ass t.' Surgeons. — John Lorimer

Thomas Price
f^et. Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1819

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut.'Cols. — Evan Llovd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Oswald Werge
Majors. — Nathan Wilson

Jonathan Willington
Captains. — George John Sale
Daniel M'Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
T. Perrouet Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
Charles Wayth
John Brae ken bury
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
W. Henry Robinson
F. W. Hutchinson
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel

Lieutenants. — Henry Bond

Isidore Blake
H. Carew
William M^Farlane
Samuel Ward Watson
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L'Etang
John Tomlinson
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
W. T. H. Fisk
Cornets. — William Potts
George Clarke
T. Ellman
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
John Byrne Smith
J. B. Nixon
William Marriott
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — J. R. Smith
Quartermaster. — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — W. Wybrow
Acting- Surgeons. — ^John Lorimer

Thomas Price
Vet. Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1820

Colonel, — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. 'Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Oswald Werge
Majors. — Nathan Wilson

Jonathan Willington
Captains. — George John Sale
Dan. M'Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill

204

Appendix A

Captains. — Charles Wayth

John Brackenbury
Lieutenants. — John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
W. H. Robinson
Charles Byrne Sale
F. W. Hutchinson
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew
Wm. MTarlane
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L'Etang
H. Court Amiel
T.L.Stuart Menteath
Thomas Hurring
Oliver de Lancey
William T. H. Fisk
George F. Clarke
George G. Shaw
Cornets. — William Potts
N. Raven
Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
James Byrne Smith
William Marriott
Charles St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loft us
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — ^James Byrne Smith
^artermaster. — James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeons. — John Lori mer

Thomas Price
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1821

Colonel. — Oliver de Lancey
Lieut. -Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Nathan Wilson
Major. — Jonathan Willington

Major. — George John Sale
Captains. — Daniel M'Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
Charles Wayth
John Brackenbury
William H. Robinson
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew

William MTarlane
Richard Willington
Ambrose de L'Etang
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. S. Menteath
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George G. Shaw
W. H. B. Lindsay
N. Raven
Cornets. — W. Potts

Peter Backhouse
Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
Charles St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loftus
Arch. Edmund Bromwich
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas.
Massey
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Sluartermaster. — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeons. — John Lorimer

Samuel Holmes
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edmund Price

205

History of the 1 7th Lancers

1822

Colonel. Oliver de Lanccy
Lieut. 'Colonels, - Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Nathan Wilson
if//7/V/.— -Jonathan Willington

Norcliffe Norcliffe
Captains. — Daniel M'Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
Charles Wayth
John Bracken bury
William H. Robinson
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Buddcn
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
William Daniel
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew

William M'Farlane
Richard Willington
Henry Court Amiel
T. L. S. Menteath
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George G. Shaw
N. Raven
W. Potts
Cornets. Peter Backhouse

Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
C. St. John Fancourt
Frederick Loftus
Arch. E. Bromwich
William Penn
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas.
Miissev
Paymaster, Robert Harman
Adjutant. W. T. Hawley Fisk

Quartermaster. — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — ^William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeons. — John Lorimer

Sam. Holmes
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1823

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

iC.CB.
Lieut. 'Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Majors. — ^Jonathan Willington

NordifFe Norcliffe
Captains. — Daniel M^Neale
John Atkins
Edward Byne
Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
John Brackenbury
William H. Robinson
W. T. Cockburn
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
Charles Byrne Sale
Francis Curtayne
Henry Bond
Isidore Blake
H. Carew

William M'Farlane
Rich. Willington
Henry Court Amiel
Thomas Hurring
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George G. Shaw
N. Raven
William Potts
William Graham
Cornets. — Peter Backhouse

Thomas Nicholson
Robert Lewis
Frederick Loftus
Arch. Edmund Bromwich
William Penn

206

Appendix A

Cornets. — Hon. Nat. H. C. Massey

Lewis Shedden
Paymaster, — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — W. T. Hawley Fisk
Sluartermaster, — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Asst.Surgs. — John Lorimer, M.D.

Sam. Holmes, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edmund Price

1824

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

iC.CB.
Lieut. -Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Majors. — J. Willington
George Luard
Captains. — Daniel M'Neale

Thomas P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
Malcolm McNeill
John Brackenbury
John Scott
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
Harry Bond
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
William Dungan
Thomas Nicholson
Cornets. — Robert Lewis

Frederick Loftus
William Penn
Hon. N. H. C. Massey
Samuel Pole
R. J. Elton
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant.— VI . T. H. Fisk
Sluarter master. — ^James Cockburn
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeon. — John Lorimer
Veterinary Surgeon. — Edmund Price
Agents. — Hopkinson & Sons

1825

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

iC.CB.
Lieut. -Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Majors. — ^J. Willington
George Luard
Captains. — T. P. Thompson
Benjamin Adams
J. Brackenbury
John Scott
William Locke
Frederick Johnston
Lieutenants. — ^John D'Arcy

Joseph Budden
W. T. Hawley Fisk
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
William Dungan
George T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
Cornets. — Frederick Loftus

Hon. N. H. C. Massey
Samuel Pole
R. J. Elton
John Barron
Hon. R. F. Greville
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant.— VI . T. H. Fisk
Stuart ermaster. — T. Nicholson
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeon. — John Lorimer
Veterinary Surgeon. — Henry Smith

1826

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

K..CB.
Lieut. -Colonels. — Evan Lloyd

Hon. L. Stanhope
Majors. — George Luard
Lord Bingham
Captains. — Benjamin Adams
John Scott
Frederick Johnston

207

History of the 17 th Lancers

Captains. — W. N. Burrows
George F. Clarke
Alan Chambre
Lieutenants. — W. T. H. Fisk

George Robbins
William Dungan
G. T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
Frederick Loftus
Hon. Nat. Hen. Chas.

Massey
Samuel Pole
Cornets. — R. J. Elton
John Barron
Hon. R. F. Greville
Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
S. J. W. F. Welch
Paymaster. — Robert Harman
Adjutant. — W. T. H. Fisk
^artermaster. — T. Nicholson
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Assistant-Surgeon. — Sam. Holmes
Veterinary Surgeon. — Henry Smith

1827

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

K..CB.
Lt.'Cols. — Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Majors. — Anthony Bacon

John Scott
Captains. — William N. Burro wes
George F. Clarke
George Robbins
George T. Greenland
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
Lieutenants. — Robert James Elton

John Barron
Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
S. J. W. F. Welch
Cornet. — Nat. B. F. Shawe

Cornets. — Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
William Murray Percy
William Henry Tonge
Lionel Ames
Paymaster. — W. T. Hawley Fisk
Adjutant. — ^John Barron
^artermaster. — T. Nicholson
Surgeon. — ^William Wybrow
Assistant - Surgeon. — H. G. Par-
ken, M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1828

Colonel. — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

K.C.B.
Lt.-Cols. — Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Majors. — John Scott

William N. Burrowes
Captains. — George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
John Lawrenson
Robert James Elton
Lieutenants.— John Barron

Charles Forbes
Henry Witham
Nat. B. F. Shawe
W. C. Douglas
Samuel Need
William M. Percy
Cornets. — William H. T. Tonge
Lionel Ames
A. H. Mitchelson
Denis Hanson
William Wentworth
William L. Shedden
Paymaster. — W. T. Hawley Fisk
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
Quartermaster. — T. Nicholson
Surgeon. — William Wybrow
Asst.'Surgeon. — H. G. Parken,M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — ^John Wilkinson

208

Appendix A

1829

Colonel, — Lord R. E. H. Somerset,

IC.CB.
Lt.-Cols. — Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Majors. — ^John Scott

W. N. Burrowes
Captains, — George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert James Elton
Lieutenants, — ^John Barron

Charles Forbes
Harry Witham
N. B. F. Shawe
William C. Douglas
Samuel W. Need
William M. Percy
Cornets, — William H. Tonge
Lionel Ames
A. H. Michelson
Denis Hanson
William Wentworth
W. L. Shedden
Paymaster, — G. Chandler
Adjutant, — Denis Hanson
Sluartermaster, — -T. Nicholson
Surgeon, — James G. Elkington
Assistant-Surgeon. — H. G. Parken
f^et. Surgeon, — ^John Wilkinson
Agent, — Mr. Hopkinson

1830

Colonel,^&\r J, Elley, K.C.B.
Lt.-Cols, — Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Majors, — ^John Scott

W. N. Burrowes
Captains. — George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane

Captains, — John Lawrenson

Robert K. Trotter
Lieutenants, — John Barron

Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
William C. Douglas
William M. Percy
William H. Tonge
Cornets, — Lionel Ames •

Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
H. F. Walker
Walter Williams
Philip J. West
Paymaster, — G. Chandler
Adjutant, — Denis Hanson
^artermaster, — Thos. Nicholson
Surgeon, — James G. Elkington
Asst,-Surgeon, — H. G. Parken
Fet. Surgeon, — John Wilkinson
Agent, — Mr. Hopkinson

1831

Colonel,— Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lt,'Cols, — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Major, — W. N. Burrowes
Captains, — George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin.
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert R. Trotter
Lieutenants, — ^John Barron

Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
W. M. Percy
W. H. Tonge
Cornets, — Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden

209

History of the i yth Lancers

Cornets.— H. F. Walker

Walter Williams
Philip J. West
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant, — Denis Hanson
Surgeon, — ^J. G. Elkington
Asst, ^Surgeon, — H. G. Parken
Vet, Surgeon. — John Wilkinson
^artermaster, — Thos. Nicholson

1832

Colonel.— ^\T J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lt.'Cols. — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Major, — ^W. N. Burro wes
Captains, — George F. Clarke
George Robbins
M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert K. Trotter
Lieutenants. — Charles Forbes

N. B. F. Shawe
Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas
W. M. Percy
W. H. Tonge
Lionel Ames
Cornets. — Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
P. J. West
F. J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
Paymaster, — G. Chandler
Adjutant, — Denis Hanson
Surgeon, — ^J. G. Elkington
Ass t.' Surgeon. — H. G. Parken
Vet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson
^artermaster. — William Hall

1833

Colonel,— Sir], Elley, K.C.B.
Lt.-Col. — Sir Evan Lloyd

Lt.'Col. — George, Lord Bingham
Major. — Henry Pratt
Captains. — George Robbins

M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
Robert K. Trotter
Charles Forbes
Lieutenants. — N. B. F. Shawe

Samuel W. Need
W. C. Douglas '
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
Walter Williams
Cornets. — Philip West
F.J. Parry
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
R. A. F. Kingscote
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
Sluartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — J. G. Elkington
Asst. "Surgeon. — H. G. Parken
Vet, Surgeon, — ^John Wilkinson

1834

Colonel,-^\x J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lt.'Cols. — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Major, — Henry Pratt
Captains, — M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
R. K. Trotter
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Lieutenants, — Samuel W. Need

W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden

210

Appendix A

Lieutenants. — W. Williams

P. J. West
Cornets. — F. J. Parry

W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
^artermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. Elkington
Asst. "Surgeon. — H. G. Parken
Vet.'Surgeon. — ^John Wilkinson

1835

Colonel.-^\r J. Elley, K.C.B
Lt.'Cols. — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Major. — Henry Pratt
Captains. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
K. R. Trotter
Charles Forbes
N. B. F. Shawe
Lieutenants. — Samuel W. Need

W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
P. J. West
Cornets. — F. J. Parry

W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. McDonald
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
garter master. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. G. Elkington
As St. 'Surgeon. — H. G. Parken

Vet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1836

&&«r/.— Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lt.'Cols. — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham
Major. — Henry Pratt
Captains. — M. C. D. St. Quintfn
G. M. Keane
John Lawrenson
R. K. Trotter
N. B. F. Shawe
W. C. Douglas
Lieutenants. — Lionel Ames

Denis Hanson
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. W. Macdonald
Cornets. — R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mordaunt
Wallace Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Robert Reynard
Paymaster. — George Chandler
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
^Quartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. G. Elkington
Asst. 'Surgeon. — H. G. Parken
Vet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1837

Colonel.— ^\x J. Elley, K.C.B.

Lt.'Cols. — Sir Evan Lloyd

George, Lord Bingham

Major. — Henry Pratt

Captains. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
George M. Keane
John Lawrenson
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden

211

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenants. — Denis Hanson

W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
John Mor daunt
Wallace Barrow
Cornets. — ^J. R. Palmer
J. R. Broadley
Robert Reynard
John D. Brett
William M. Mitchell
A. S. WiUett
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Denis Hanson
Sluartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. G. Elkington
Jsst.'Surgeon. — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Fet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1838

Colone/.— Sir J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lieut. 'Co/one/. — Henry Pratt
Major. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
Captains. — John Lawrenson
W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Lieutenants. — Edward Croker

R. A. F. Kingscote
W. Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
R. A. Houblon
Francis Burdett
Cornets. — Robert Reynard
J. D. Brett
W. M. Mitchell
A. S. Willett
Hon. G. O'Callaghan
Andrew Wauchope
Paymaster. — Captain G. Chandler

Adjutant. — Wallace Barrow
^artermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. G. Elkington
Asst.'Surgeon. — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — ^John Wilkinson

1839

Colonel— ^\x J. Elley, K.C.B.
Lieut, -Colonel. — Henry Pratt
Major. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
Captains. — ^J. Lawrenson

W. C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
W. L. Shedden
W. Williams
W. H. Fielden
Lieutenants. — Edward Croker

R. A. F. Kingscote
W. Barrow
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Richard A. Houblon
Francis Burdett
Cornets. — Robert Reynard
J. D. Brett
W. M. Mitchell
A. S. Willett
Hon. G. O'Callaghan
Andrew Wauchope
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Wallace Barrow
^artermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. G. Elkington
Asst.-Surgeon. — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Vet, Surgeon. — John Wilkinson
Agents. — Hopkinson & Sons

1840

Colonel.— S\r A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.

Lt.-Col. — M. C. D. St. Quintin

Major. — John Lawrenson

Captains. — William C. Douglas
Lionel Ames
Walter Williams

212

Appendix A

Captains, — Edmund Croker

R. A. F. Kingscote
Wallace Barrow
Lieutenants, — J. R. Palmer

J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
Archibald, Earl of

Cassilis
W. M. Mitchell
■ Aug. Salterh Willett
Cornets. — Thomas Lindsay
Edward C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
William O. Hammond
H. Roxby Benson
Paymaster. — G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Thomas Lindsay
^artermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^James G. Elkington
Assistant' Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson,

M.D.

Veterinary Surgeon. — ^J. Wilkinson

1841

Colonel.— "iiv A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.
Lieutenant 'Colonel. — M. C. D. St.

Quintin
Major. — ^John Lawrenson
Captains. — William C. Douglas
Walter Williams
Edward Croker
R. A. F. Kingscote
Wallace Barrow
J. R. Palmer
Lieutenants. — ^J. B. Broadley

Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
Archibald, Earl of

Cassilis
A. S. Willett
Hon. H. S. Blackwood
Thomas Lindsay

Lieutenant. — E. C. Scobell
Cornets. — H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
William O. Hammond
H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
Paymaster.— G. Chandler
Adjutant. — Thomas Lindsay
^artermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — James G. Elkington
Assistant 'Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson,

M.D.

Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Wilkinson

1842

Colonel.— ?i\Y A. B. Clifton, K.C.B.
Lt.'Col. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — ^John Lawrenson
Captains. — W. C. Douglas
Walter Williams
R. A. F. Kingscote
J. R. Palmer
J. B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
Lieutenants. — ^J. D. Brett

Archibald, Earl of

Cassilis
A. S. Willett
Hon. H. S.Blackwood
Thomas Lindsay
Edward C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
Cornets. — W. O. Hammond
H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
Wm. A., Lord Inverurv
H. C. Taylor
Paymaster. — George Chandler
Adjutant. — Thomas Lindsay
^artermaster. — ^William Hall
Surgeon. — Edward Pilkington
Assistant-Surgeon. — Alex. Leslie
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Wilkinson

History of the i yth Lancers

1843

Colonel, — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt.-ai.—M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — ^John Lawrenson
Captains, — ^J. R. Palmer

John B. Broadley
Francis Burdett
J. D. Brett
A. S. WiUett
Hon. H. S. Blackwood
Lieutenants, — Thomas Lindsay

E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
Wm. A., Lord In-
verury
Cornets, — H. C. Taylor

Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
Samuel Le H. Hodson
N. M. Innes
Paymaster, — George Chandler
Adjutant, — Thomas Lindsay
^artermaster, — William Hall
Surgeon, — Edward Pillcington
Assistant' Surgeon, — G. Anderson
Fet, Surgeon, — John Wilkinson

1844

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt,-Col,—M, C. D. St. Quintin
Major, — John Lawrenson
Captains, — ^J. R. Palmer

J. B. Broadley

Francis Burdett

J. D. Brett

A. S. WiUett

E. C. Scobell
Lieutenants. — Thomas Lindsay

H. R. Boucherett

Lieutenants, — Abraham Hamilton

H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
H. C. Taylor
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
Cornets, — Samuel Le H. Hobson
N. M. Innes
J. F. Blathwayt
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
Paymaster. — George Chandler
Adjutant. — H. T. Lindsay
Sluartermaster, — William Hall
Surgeon, — Edward Pilkington
Assistant-Surgeon, — G. Anderson
Fet, Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1845

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt,-Col. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — John Lawrenson
Captains, — ^J. R. Palmer

Francis Burdett
John D. Brett
A. S. WiUett
E. C. ScobeU
H. R. Boucherett
Lieutenants, — Abraham Hamilton

H. R. Benson
Charles W. Miles
Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
Norman M. Innes
J. E. Fleeming
Cornets, — E. C. A. Haworth
J. F. Blathwayt
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
Henry W. Lindow
William I. Anderton
Paymaster, — George Chandler
Adjutant, — ^John Stephenson

214

Appendix A

^artermaster. — William Hale
Surgeon. — John Brown Gibson,

M.D.
Assistant-Surgeon. — G. Anderson
Vet. Surgeon. — John Wilkinson

1846

ColoneL — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt.'CoL—M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — Francis Burdett
Captains. — ^John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
E. C. Scobell
H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
Lieutenants. — Charles W. Miles

Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
W. L Anderton
Cornets.—]. C. W. Russell
E. R. Dodwell
P. J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
William H. K. Erskine
Paymaster. — George Chandler
Adjutant. — John Stephenson
^artermaster, — Wm. Hall
Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst. 'Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — W. C. Lord

1847

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt.'Col.—M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — Francis Burdett
Captains. — ^John D. Brett
A. S. Willett

Captains. — E. C. Scobell

H. R. Boucherett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
Lieutenants. — Charles W. Miles

Alfred Crawshay
Thomas Lyon
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane
John Stephenson
William L Anderton
Cornets. — J. C. W. Russell
E. R. Dodwell
Philip J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
William H. K. Erskine
Paymaster. — George Chandler
Adjutant. — John Stephenson
Sluartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst.'Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — W. C. Lord

1848

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt.-aL—M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — Francis Burdett
Captains. — ^John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
C. W. Miles
Thomas Lyon
Lieutenants. — ^J. E. Fleemmg

E. C. A. Hawonh
R. D. Hay Lane
W. L Anderton
William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
Philip J. W. Miles
W. W. Codrington
Cornet. — ^W. H. K. Erskine

215

History of the 17th Lancers

Cornets.— H. St. George, R.M.
Alexander Campbell
William F. Webb
Robert White
Paymaster. — ^John Stephenson
Adjutant. — J. E. Fleeming
Sluartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst.-Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — William C.
Lord

1849

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lieutenant 'Colonel. — M. C. D. St.

Quintin
Major. — Francis Burdett
Captains. — ^John Dary Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Ha worth
Lieutenants. — R. D. Hay Lane

W. L Anderton
William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
W. H. R. Erskine
Howard St. George
W. F. Richards
William F. Webb
Robert White
Cornets. — ^J. P. Winter

Thomas Taylor, R.M.
J. H. Reed
A. F. C. Webb
Paymaster. — ^John Stephenson
Adjutant. — Howard St. George
^Quartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst. 'Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — William C.

Lord

1850

Colonel. — H.R.H. Prince George of

Cambridge
Lt.'Colonel. — M. C. D. St. Quintin
Major. — Francis Burdett
Captains. — John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
J. E. Fleeming
E. C. A. Haworth
Lieutenants. — R. D. Hay Lane

William Morris
J. C. W. Russell
W. H. K. Erskine
Howard St. George
W. F. Richards
Robert White
John Pratt Winter
Joseph H. Reed
Cornets. — Thomas Taylor, R.M.
A. F. C. Webb
Godfrey C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
Paymaster. — John Stephenson
Adjutant. — Howard St. George
S^uartermaster. — William Hall
Surgeon. — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst.'Surg. — Henry Kendall, M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — ^William C. Lord

1851

C?/d?«^/.— H.R.H. Duke of Cam-
bridge

Lt. 'Colonel. — M. C. D. St. Quintin

Major. — Francis Burdett

Captains. — ^John D. Brett
A. S. Willett
Abraham Hamilton
H. R. Benson
E. C. A. Haworth
R. D. Hay Lane

Lieutenants. — William Morris

W. H. K. Erskine

216

Appendix A

Lieutenants, — Howard St. George

W. F. Richards
Robert White
John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
G. C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
Cornets. — Thomas Taylor, R.M.
John Henry Thomson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
Paymaster, — ^John Stephenson
Adjutant, — Howard St. George
Sluartermaster, — William Hall
Surgeon, — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst,'Surg, — Henry Kendall, M.D.
Vet, Surgeon, — William C. Lord

1852

Colonel.— 1{,K,}\, Duke of Cam-
bridge, K.G.
Lieut,' Colonel, — ^John La wrenson
Major, — ^John D. Brett
Captains. — A. S. Willett
H. R. Benson
E. C. A. Haworth
William Morris
W. H. K. Erskine
W. Fred. Richards
Lieutenants. — Robert White

John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
G. C. Morgan
A. Learmonth
John H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight.
W. F. Tollemache
Cornets, — Thomas Taylor, R.M.
John Thomas Cator
George Ross
J. W. Cradock-Hartopp
Paymaster. — ^J. Stephenson
Adjutant, — A. Learmonth

^artermaster,-^W , Hall
Surgeon, — J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst. 'Surgeon, — H. Kendall, M.D.
Vet, Surgeon, — W. C. Lord

1853

Colonel, — T. W. Taylor, C.B.
Lieut, 'Colonel, — John Lawrenson
Major, — A. S. Willett
Captains, — H. R. Benson
Wm. Morris
Wm. H. K. Erskine
John Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
Lieutenants. — G. C. Morgan

A. Learmonth
J. H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight
Wm. F. Tollemache
Cornets, — Thos. Taylor, R.M.

J. W. Cradock-Hartopp
John Chadwick
Philip Musgrave
W. J. Pearson Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
Paymaster, — ^John Stephenson
Adjutant. — ^John Chadwick
^artermaster. — John Yates
Surgeon, — ^J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst.'Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Vet, Surgeon. — S. Price Constant

1854

Colonel,— T, W. Taylor, C.B.

Lieut, 'Colonel. — J. Lawrenson

Major, — A. S. Willett

Captains, — H. R. Benson
Wm. Morris
Robert White
J. Pratt Winter
A. F. C. Webb
Godfrey C. Morgan

217

History of the 17th Lancers

Lieutenants. — A. Learmonth

J. H. Thompson
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis E. Knight
J. W. Cradock-Har-

topp
Philip Musgrave
Cornets. — Thos. Taylor, R.M.
J. Chadwick
W. J. Pearson Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
Archibald Cleveland
A. F. S. Jerningham
Paymaster. — ^J. Stephenson
Adjutant. — ^J. Chadwick
Sluartermaster. — John Yates
Surgeon. — J. B. Gibson, M.D.
Asst.'Surgeon. — H. Kendall, M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — S. P. Constant

1855

C^^„^/._Sir. J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut.'Colonel. — ^J. Lawrenson
Major. — Henry R. Benson
Captains. — Wm. Morris
Robert White
Godfrey C. Morgan
Alex. Learmonth
Sir Wm. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
J. W. C. Hartopp
John Macartney
Lieutenants. — W. J. P. Watson

Thos, Taylor, R.M.
John Chadwick
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
G. O. Wombwell
Drury Curzon Lowe
Arthur Burnand
Henry H. Barber
Henry Baring
Cornets. — G. H. L. Boynton

Wm. D. Nath. Lowe

Cornets. — Wm. Digby Seymour

John Gibsone
Paymaster. — John Stephenson
Adjutant. — John Chadwick
^artermaster. — C. J. Ffennell
Surgeon. — H. H. Massey, M.D.
Asst.' Surgeon. — St. John Stanley
Vet. Surgeon. — S. P. Constant

1856

Colonel.— %\t J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut.'Colonel. — ^John Lawrenson
Major. — Henry R. Benson
Captains. — Wm. Morris, C.B.

(Major)
Robert White
Alex. Learmonth
Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
Lewis Edward Knight
John Macartney
W. J. P. Watson
Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.
Lieutenants. — Thos. Taylor, R.M.

John Chadwick
Drury Curzon Lowe
Arthur Burnand
Henry Baring
G. H. L. Boynton
Wm. D. Seymour
Wm. W. King
John Gibsone
Cornets. — ^James Duncan

Walter R. Nolan
Henry Marshall
George Cleghorn
Hon. W. H. Curzon
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
Paymaster. — John Stephenson
Adjutant. — John Chadwick
S^uartermaster. — Dennis O'Hara
Surgeon. — H. H. Massey, M.D.
Asst. 'Surgeon. — St. John Stanley
Vet. Surgeon. — Wm. Partridge

218

Appendix A

1857

Colonel.— ?^\t J. M. WaUace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — H. R. Benson
Major. — A. Lear month
Captains. — W. Morris, C.B. (Major)
R. White

Sir W. Gordon, Bart.
L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
W. J. P. Watson
Lieutenants. — T. Taylor, R.M.

A. Burnand
H. Baring
G. H. L. Boynton
W. D. Seymour
W. W. King
J. Gibsone
Cornets. — ^J. Duncan

W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
G. Cleghorn
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Way mouth
R. Bainbridge
Paymaster. — ^J. Stephenson
Adjutant. — J. Duncan
^artermaster. — W. Garland
Surgeon. — H. H. Massey, M.D.
Asst.'Surgeon. — St. John Stanley
Vet. Surgeon. — W. Partridge

1858

Colonel.— ^xr ]. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonels. — H. R. Benson

J. R. H. Rose
Majors. — A. Learmonth

W.Morris, C.B. (Lt-Col.)
Captains. — R. White

Sir W. Gordon, Bart.

L. E. Knight

J. Macartney

A. Burnand

Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.

D. C. Lowe

Captains. — T. Taylor
H. Baring
H. A. Sarel
Lieutenants. — ^W. D. Seymour

W. W. King
J. Gibsone
J. Duncan
W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
Hon. H. W. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood
T. Gonne
Cornets. — A. Gooch
F. J. King
J. Harding
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
W. S. Tucker
R. T. Goldsworthy
J. T. Eraser
H. W. F. Harrison
E. A. Corbet
Paymaster. — F. L. Bennett
Adjutant. — ^J. Duncan
Sluartermaster. — W. Garland
Surgeon. — E. Mockler
As St. 'Surgeons. — G. C. Clery

Y. H. Johnson
Fet. Surgeon. — W. Partridge

1859

Colonel.— ^xr J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonels. — H. R. Benson

J. R. H. Rose
Majors. — A. Learmonth

R. White
Captains. — Sir W. Gordon, Bart.

L. E. Knight

J. Macartney

Sir G. H. Leith, Bart.

D. C. Lowe

T. Taylor

219

History of the 1 7th Lancers

Captains. — H. Baring
H. A. Sard

C. Steel

W. D. Seymour
Lieutenants. — J. Gibsone

J. Duncan
W. R. Nolan
H. Marshall
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood, V.C.
T. Gonne
F. J. King
J. Harding
Cornets. — R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
W. S. Tucker
J. I. Fraser
R. T. Goldsworthy
H. W. F. Harrison
E. A. Corbet
Paymaster. — G. B. Belcher
Adjutant. — J. Duncan
Quartermaster. — Wm. Garland
Riding^Master. — G. Pumfrett
Surgeon. — J. Kellie, M.D.
As St. 'Surgeons. — Y. H. Johnson

G. C. Clery
Fet. Surgeon. — W. Partridge

i860

G7^«^/.— Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonels. — H. R. Benson

A. Learmonth
Majors. — R. White

Sir. W. Gordon, Bart.
Captains. — L. E. Knight
J. Macartney
Sir G. H. Leith

D. C. Lowe
H. A. Sarel
C. Steel

W. R. Nolan

Captains. — ^J. Gibsone

H. Marshall
Lieutenants. — J. Duncan

Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Waymouth
R. Bainbridge
H. E. Wood, V.C.
T. Gonne
J. Harding
A. J. Billing
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
R. T. Goldsworthy
Cornets. — J. I. Fraser

H. W. F. Harrison
H. R. Abadie
G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
G. Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
Paymaster. — G. B. Belcher
Adjutant. — ^J. Duncan
^artermaster. — W. Garland
Riding' Master. — G. Pumfrett
Surgeon. — G. Kellie, M.D.
Asst' Surgeons. — Y. H. Johnson

G. C. Clery
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^J. Ferris

1861

Colonel.— ^\t J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lt.'Col. ^ Col.—U. R. Benson, C.B.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Robert White
Lt.'Col. ^ Col.— J. C. H. Gibsone
Majors. — Sir W. Gordon, Bart.

L. E. Knight
Captains. — ^John Macartney

D. C. Lowe

H. A. Sarel

W. R. Nolan

John Gibsone

James Duncan

Hon. W. H. Curzon

Charles Waymouth

220

Appendix A

Captains. — James Goldie

Robert Bainbridge
Lieutenants, — H. E. Wood, V.C.

T. Gonne
J. Harding.
A. J. Billing
R. D. Macgregor
J. G. Scott
R. T. Goldsworthy
J. I. Fraser
H. W. F. Harrison
H. R. Abadie
Cornets. — G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
J. D. Jackson
Edward Corbet t
E. H. Maunsell
Paymaster.— D^ P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — G. Pumfrett
Riding' Master. — Thomas Martin
^artermaster. — W. Garland
Surgeon. — James Kellie, M.D.
Asst. 'Surgeons. — Sam. Fuller

DavidCullen,M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Ferris

1862

Cohnel.-^\x J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lt.'Col. bf Co/.—H. R. Benson
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Robert White
Lt.-Col. & Col.—]. C. H. Gibsone
Majors. — Sir W. Gordon, Bart.

L. E. Knight
Captains. — D. C. Lowe

H. A.Sarel(B.Lt.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
John Gibsone
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
Charles Way mouth

Captains. — James Goldie

Robert Bainbridge
H. E.Wood, V.C.

Lieutenants. — T. Gonne

James Harding

A. J. Billing

R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie

B. Chamley
G. J. B. Bruce
H. W. Young
George Rosser

Cornets. — F. W. Blumberg

George Pumfrett

H. A. Robinson

T. D. Jackson

Edward Corbet t

E. H. Maunsell

E. W. Pritchard

S. Y. Clark

H. Faulkner

Harris St. J. Dick
Adjutant. — George Pumfrett
Paymaster.— T>t, P. O'Kelly
Riding' Master. — Thomas Martin
Quartermaster. — William Garland
Surgeon. — James Kellie, M.D.
Asst.' Surgeons. — Sam. Fuller

D. Cullen, M.D.
Veterinary-Surgeon. — J. Ferris

1863

Colonel.-^\r J. M. Wallace, K.H.

Lieut. 'Colonels. — Robert White

Sir W. Gordon, Bt.

Majors. — L. E. Knight
Drury C. Lowe

Captains. — H. A. Sarel (B.Lt.-Col.)
Walter R. Nolan
James Duncan
Hon. W. H. Curzon
C. Way month
James Goldie
Robert Bainbridge

221

History of the 17 th Lancers

Captains. — T. Gonne

T. W. S. Miles
W. Balfe
Lieutenants, — A. J. Billing

R. T. Golds worthy
H. R. Abadie
B. Chamley
H. W. Young
George Rosser

F. W. Blumberg

G. Pumfrett

H. A. Robinson
W. S. Browne
Cornets. — J. D. Jackson

E. Corbett

E. H. Maunsell

E. W. Pritchard

S. Y. Clark

H. Faulkner

H. St. J. Dick

Robert Blair

J. C. Symonds
Paymaster.— Dt P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — G. Pumfrett
Riding-Master. — Thomas Martin
^artermaster. — W. Garland
Surgeon. — J. Kellie, M.D.
Asst-Surgeons. — Sam. Fuller

David CuUen, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^John Ferris

1864

Colonel.— %u J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. -Colonels. — Robert White

Sir W. Gordon, Bt.
Majors. — L. E. Knight

Drury C. Lowe
Captains. — H. A. Sarel (Lieut.-Col.)

W. R. Nolan

James Duncan

Hon. W. H. Curzon

C. Way mouth

J. Goldie

Robert Bainbridge

Captains. — Thomas Gonne
T.W.S. Miles
W. Balfe
Lieutenants. — A. J. Billing

R. T. Goldsworthy
H. R. Abadie
B. Chamley
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
Cornets. — ^J. D. Jackson
E. Corbett
E. H. Maunsell
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
H. St. J. Dick
Robert Blair
J. C. Symonds
W. A. Ellis
Paymaster.— T>t P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — George Pumfrett
Riding-Master. — T. Martin
^artermaster. — W. Garland
Surgeon. — ^J. Kellie, M.D.
Asst. -Surgeons. — J. Fuller

D. CuUen, M.D.
Vet. Surgeon. — James Lambert

1865

Colonel.— ^xx J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. -Colonel. — Robert White

L. E. Knight
Majors. — Drury C. Lowe

Hon. W. H. Curzon
Captains. — H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)

W. R. Nolan

James Duncan

C. Waymouth

J. Goldie

R. Bainbridge

T. Gonne

T. W. S. Miles

222

Appendix A

Lieutenants. — A. J. Billing

R. T. Golds worthy
H. R. Abadie
H. W. Young
George Rosser
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett
H. A. Robinson
J. D. Jackson
Edward Corbett
Cornets. — E. H. Maunsell
S. Y. Clark
H. Faulkner
J. C. Symonds
William A. Ellis
H. T. S. Carter
William Watt
H. Bancroft
Paymaster.— T>t P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — George Pumfrett
Riding-Master. — T. Martin
Quartermaster. — ^J. Berry man, V.C.
Surgeon. — ^James Kellie, M.D.
Asst'Surgeon. — S. A. Lithgow
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Lambert

1866

Colonel.-^xr J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Robert White
Majors. — Drury C. Lowe

Hon. W. H. Curzon
Captains.— W. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
W. R. Nolan
Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
William A. Battine
Sir John Hill, Bart.
George C. Robinson
Lieutenants. — Arthur J. Billing

Henry R. Abadie
H. W. Young
F. W. Blumberg
George Pumfrett

Lieutenants. — H. A. Robinson

Edward Corbett
W. G. Walmesley

E. H. Maunsell
Cornets. — S. Y. Clark

H. Faulkner

John C. Symonds

Harry T. S. Carter

H. Bancroft

E. B. Callander

S. M. Benson

W. Brougham
Paymaster.— D^ P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — George Pumfrett
Riding- Master. — Thomas Martin
Quartermaster. — ^J. Berry man, V.C.
Surgeon. — James Kellie, M.D.
Asst'Surgeon. — S. A. Lithgow
Vet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1867

G7^«^/.— Sir J. M. Wallace, K.H.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Drury C. D. Lowe
Major. — Hon. W. H. Curzon
Major Lieut.'Col. — Henry A. Sarel
Captains. — Walter R. Nolan

Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne

SirJ. HiIl,Bt. (B.Maj.)
George C. Robinson
Sam. Boulderson
W. A. Battine
Lieutenants. — Henry R. Abadie

F. W. Blumberg
H. A. Robinson
W. G. Walmesley
Stanley Y. Clark
H. Bancroft
Thomas A. Cooke
Hon. A. W. Erskine

Cornets. — E. B. Callander
S. M. Benson
W. Brougham

223

History of the 17 th Lancers

Cornets. — Thomas Crowe
E. V. W. Edgell
Sir Charles Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford

Paymaster,— T>t P. O'Kelly

Adjutant. — A. J. Billing

Riding-Master. — Thomas Martin

^artermaster. — John Berryman,

v.c.

Surgeon. — ^James Kellie, M.D.
Asst.-Surgeon. — S. A. Lithgow
Vet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1868

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Drury C. Lowe
Majors. — Hon. W. H. Curzon

H. A. Sarel (B. Lt.-Col.)
Captains. — ^W. R. Nolan

Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
W. A. Battine
G. C. Robinson
S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
Lieutenants. — H. A. Robinson

W. G. Walmesley
S. Y. Clark
Thomas A. Cooke
Hon. A. W. Erskine
S. M. Benson
W. Brougham
Thomas Crowe
G. H. L. Pellew
Cornets.— E. V. W. Edgell

Sir Charles Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown
William Bashford

Paymaster.— Dt, P. O'Kelly (Hon.

Captain)
Adjutant. — ^John Brown
Riding-Master. — Thomas Martin
^artermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Surgeon. — Arthur Greer
Asst.-Surgeon. — J. E. O'Loughlin
Vet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1869

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
Lieut. -Colonel. — Drury C. D. Lowe
Majors. — Hon. W. H. Curzon

Henry A. Sarel (Lt.-Col.)
Captains. — ^W. R. Nolan

Charles Waymouth
Robert Bainbridge
T. Gonne
G. C. Robinson
Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
H. A. Robinson
Lieutenants. — W. G. Walmesley

S. Y. Clark
T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Thomas Crowe
G. H. L. Pellew
Sir C. Nugent, Bart.
C. W. J. Unthank
Cornets. — Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
William Bashford
W. T. S. KeviU-Davies
C. E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
Paymaster.— T>t P. O'Kelly, (Hon.

Captain)
Riding-Master. — Thomas Martin
^artermaster. — J. Berryman, V.C.
Surgeon. — A. J. Greer
Asst.-Surgeon. — ^J. E. O'Loughlin

224

Appendix A

Vet, Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1870

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Drury C. Lowe
Majors. — Hon. W. H. Curzon

W. R. Nolan
Captains. — Charles Waymouth

Robert Bainbridge

T. Gonne

G. C. Robinson

S. Boulderson

F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark

J. C. Duke
Lieutenants. — T. A. Cooke

S. M. Benson
Thomas Crowe
E. V. W. Edgell
C. W. J. Unthank
Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
William Bashford
Cornets.— W. T. S. Kevill-Davies
Charles E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
Charles E. Arkwright
Paymaster.— Dq P. O'Kelly
Adjutant. — ^J. Brown (Lieut.)
Riding-Master.— K. H. Boyle
Surgeon. — A. J. Greer
^artermaster.—J. Berryman, V.C.
yfsst.'Surgeon.—J. E. O'Loughlin
Vet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1871

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
Lieut. -Colonel. — D. C. Drury Lowe
Majors. — W. R. Nolan

Robert Bainbridge
Captains. — T. Gonne

G. C. Robertson
S. Boulderson

Captains. — F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Lieutenants. — E. V. W. Edgell

C. W. J. Unthank
E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
William Bashford
W. T. S. KeviU-

Davies
C. E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
Cornets. — C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
A. E. De Butts
Paymaster.— Dt, P. O'Kelly
Riding-Master. — R. H. Boyle
Sluartermaster. — J. Berryman, V.C.
Surgeon. — A. J. Greer
Asst.-Surgeon. — Ed. Hoile, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Lambert

1872

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.

(Lieut. -General)
Lt.-ai.—D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Majors. — W. R. Nolan

G. C. Robertson
Captains. —T. Gonne

S. Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
C. W. J. Unthank
Lieutenants. — E. V. W. Edgell

E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie

225

History of the 17th Lancers

Lieutenants. — John Brown (Adj.)

W. T. S. Kevill-

Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Robert N. Humble
H. M. Barton
C. E. Arkwright

Sub- Lieutenants. — T. Mack

A. E. de Butts
G. A. Wood

Paymaster. — ^J. W. Smith

Riding-Master. — J. Berry man, V.C.

Surgeon. — Arthur J. Greer

Assistant-Surgeon. — E. Hoile, M.D.

Veterinary Surgeon. — ^J. Lambert

1873

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.

(Lieut.-General)
Lt.-Col. — D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Majors. — W. R. Nolan

G. C. Robertson
Captains. — Thomas Gonne

Samuel Boulderson
F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
T. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
C. W. J. Unthank
Lieutenants. — E. V. W. Edgell

E. A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-

Davies
Charles E. Swaine
R. N. Humble
C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
Sub- Lieutenants. — George A. Wood

Percy Wormald
John M. Russell

Paymaster. — ^John W. Smith
Riding-Master. — Richard H. Boyle
^artermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Surgeon. — Arthur Greer
Assistant-Surgeon. — E. Hoile, M.D.
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Lambert

1874

Colonel.— C. W. M. Balders, C.B.

(Lieut.-General)
Lt.-Col.—D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Major. — Walter R. Nolan
Captains. — Thomas Gonne

Samuel Boulderson
Frederick W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. W. Edgell
Lieutenants. — Ernest A. Belford

J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-

Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Robert N. Humble
C. E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
George A. Wood
Mortimer G. Neeld
Sub- L ieu tenants. — Percy Wormald

John M. Russell
C. H. Purvis
Paymaster. — ^J. W. Smith
Riding-Master. — Richard Boyle
^artermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Medical Officer. — Arthur J. Greer
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^J. Lambert

Colonel.-

1875

C. W. M. Balders, C.B.
(Lieut.-General)

226

^-?v

Appendix A

Lt-aL—D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Major. — Thomas Gonne
Captains. — Samuel Boulderson

F. W. Blumberg

S. Y. Clark

S. M. Benson

E. V. W. Edgell
Ernest A. Belford

Lieutenants, — James F. Alexander

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. KeviU-

Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Charles E. Arlcwright
Thomas Mack
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
Mortimer G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Sub- Lieutenant. — C. H. Purvis
Riding-Ma St er. — Richard H. Boyle
S^uartermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Medical Officer. — A. C. McTavish
Veterinary Surgeon. — ^J. Lambert

1876

Colonel. — J. C. Hope Gibsone

(Lieut.-General)
Lt.-Col.—D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Major. — Thomas Gonne
Captains. — Samuel Boulderson

F. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark

J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt-Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
Lieutenants. — ^J. F. Alexander

Hon J. P. Bouverie
John Brown (Adj.)
W.T.S.Kevill-Davies

Lieutenants. — Charles E. Swaine

Charles E. Arkwright
Thomas Mack
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
Sub- Lieut. — C. F. S. Anstruther-

Thomson
Riding-Master. — Richard H. Boyle
^artermaster. — J. Berry man, V.C.
Surgeon-Major. — A. C. McTavish
Veterinary Surgeon. — J. Lambert

1877

Colonel-in- Ch ief
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field
Marshal, Commanding - in -
Chief
Colonel. — ^J. C. Hope Gibsone

(Lieut.-General)
Lt.-Col. — D. C. Drury Lowe (Col.)
Majors. — Thomas Gonne

Samuel Boulderson
Captains. — Fred. W. Blumberg
S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Lieutenants. — Hon. J. P. Bouverie

John Brown (Adj.)
W. T. S. Kevill-

Davies
Charles E. Swaine
Charles E. Arkwright
Percy Wormald
John M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld

227

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenants. — H. C. Jenkins

C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
Riding-Master. — R. H. Boyle
Quartermaster. — J. Berry man, V.C.
Surgeon-Major. — A. C. McTavish
ret. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1878

Colonel'in- Chief.

H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field

Marshal, Commanding - in -

Chief

Colonel. — J.C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)

Lieutenant 'Colonel. — D. C. Drury

Lowe (Col.)
Majors. — Thomas Gonne

S. Boulderson
Captains. — S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
T. A, Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt-Edgell
Ernest A. Belford
J. F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
Lieutenants. — John Brown (Adj.)

W. T. S. Kevill-

Davies
C. E. Swaine
J. M. Russell
G. A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
Sub-Lts.—F. J. C. Frith
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
Riding-Master. — R. H. Boyle
^artermaster. — -J. Berryman, V.C.
Fet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1879

Colonel-in- Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field
Marshal, Commanding - in -
Chief
Colonel. — ^J. C.Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
Lieut. -Colonel. — Thomas Gonne
Major. — Samuel Boulderson
Captains. — S. Y. Clark

James C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
E. V. Wyatt Edgell
E. A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
Lieut s. — ^John Brown (Adj.)

W. T. S. KeviU-Davies
C. E. Swaine
J. M. Russell
George A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
F. J. Cockayne Frith
Henry Fortescue
Thomas A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
2nd Lieuts. — C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
C. H. Butler
F. D. H. St. Quintin
Riding-Master. — R. H. Boyle
^artermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Fet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1880

Colonel-in- Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field

Marshal, Commanding - in -

Chief
Colonel. — ^J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
Lieut. -Colonel.— Thomas Gonne

228

Appendix A

Major, — Samuel Boulderson
Captains. — S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thomas A. Cooke
S. M. Benson
Captains. — Ernest A. Belford
James F. Alexander
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
W. T. S. KeviU-Davies
Lieutenants. — Charles E. Swaine

John M. Russell
Geo. A. Wood
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele

E. B. Herbert

Hon. L. H. D. For-
tescue
7.nd Lieuts. — C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
Chas. H. Butler

F. D. H. St. Quintin
W. G. Renton

M. H. Woods
James H. Dyer
Paymaster, — J. Brown (Hon. Cap.)
Adj. — Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
Riding' Master. — ^John Perry
Quartermaster. — ^J. Berryman, V.C.
Vet. Surgeon. — ^James Lambert

1881

Colonel-in- Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field
Marshal, Commanding - in -
Chief
Colonel. — J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
Lieut. 'Colonel. — Thos. Gonne
Major. — Samuel Boulderson
Captains. — S. Y. Clark
J. C. Duke
Thos. A. Cooke

Captains. — S. M. Benson

Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John M. Russell
Lieutenants. — Geo. A. Wood

M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. For-
tescue (Adj.)
7.nd Lieuts. — C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
Paymaster. — J. Brown (Hon. Capt.)
Riding' Master. — ^John Perry
^artermaster. — Douglas Shawe

1882

Colonel'in- Chief.

H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge,

Field Marshal, Commanding-

in-Chief

Colonel. — ^J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)

Lieut. 'Colonels, — Samuel Boulderson

S. Y. Clark
Majors. — ^J. C. Duke

Thos. A. Cooke
S. M. Benson.
Captains. — Ernest A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
John M. Russell
F. W. Benson
Lieutenants. — M. G. Neeld

H. C. Jenkins
Chas. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Thos. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert

229

History of the 17 th Lancers

Lieutenants. — Hon. L. H. D. For-

tescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
Thos. H. Standbridge
Paymaster. — John Brown (Hon.

Capt. )
Riding'Master. — John Perry
^artermaster. — Douglas Shawe

1883

Colonel-in- Chief.
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commanding-
in-Chief
Colonel. — J. C.Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
Lieut. 'Colonels. — Sam. Boulderson

Thos. A. Cooke
Majors. — S. M. Benson

Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
Captains. — F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Lieutenants. — Thos. A. Steele

E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. For-
tescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
Wm. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar

Paymaster. — ^J. M. Russell (H. Capt.)
Riding-Master. — John Perry
^artermaster. — Douglas Shawe

1884

Colonel'in- Chief.
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commanding-
in-Chief
Colonel. — J. C. Hope Gibsone (Gen.)
Lieut. -Colonels. — Sam. Boulderson

Thos. A. Cooke
Majors. — S. M. Benson

Ernest A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
Captains. — F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. . Purvis
Henry Fortescue
Lieutenants. — Thomas A. Steele

E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. For-
tescue (Adj.)
C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
Chas. H. Butler
Wm. G. Renton
James H. Dyer
Chas. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar
Paymaster. — ^J. M. Russell (H. Capt.)
Riding' Master. — John Perry
^artermaster. — Douglas Shawe

1885

Colonel-in- Chief.
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,

Field Marshal, Commanding-

in-Chief
Colonel, — H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)

230

Appendix A

Lieut, 'Colonels. — S. Boulderson

Thos. A. Cooke
Majors. — S. M. Benson
E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie
Captains. — F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. For rescue
T. A. Steele
Lieutenants. — E. B. Herbert

Hon. L. H. D. For-

tescue
C. J. Ahstruther

Thomson
C. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar
* G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
Paymaster. J. M. Russell (Hon.

Captain)
Adjutant. — Hon. L. H. D. For-

tescue
Riding-Master. — H. M^Gee
Quartermaster. — D. Shawe

1886

Colonel-in~ Chief.
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshall, Commanding-
in-Chief
Colonel. — H.R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
Lieut. 'Colonels. — S. Boulderson

T. A. Cooke
Majors. — S. M. Benson
E. A. Belford
Hon. J. P. Bouverie

Captains. — F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
Lieutenants. — E. B. Herbert

Hon. L. H. D. For-
tescue
C. J. Anstruther

Thomson
C. H. Butler
W. G. Renton
J. H. Dyer
C. Coventry
T. H. Standbridge
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
Paymaster.—^. M. Russell (Hon.

Captain)
Adjutant. — C. Coventry
Riding-Master. — H. M'Gee (Hon.

Captain )
^artermaster. — D. Shawe (Hon.

Captain)

1887

Colonel-in- Ch ief.
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshall, Commanding-
in-Chief
Colonel. — H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
Lieut. 'Colonels. — T. A. Cooke

S. M. Benson
Majors. — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains. — C. H. Purvis

231

History of the 17th Lancers

Captains, — H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thom-
son
Lieutenants, — C. H. Butler

W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
E. W. N. Pedder
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Viscount

Clandeboye
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
Paymaster, — ^J. M. Russell (Hon.

Captain)
Adjutant, — C. Coventry (Lieut.)
Riding-Master, — H. M^Gee
Quartermaster, — D. Shawe

1888

Colonel'in- Chief,
H. R. H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
Colonel, — H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
Lieut, 'Colonels, — T. A. Cooke

S. M. Benson
Majors. — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains, — C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue

Captains. — J. A. Steele

E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther Thom-
son
C. H. Butler
Lieutenants. — ^W. G. Renton

C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
E. W. N. Pedder
C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Viscount

Clandeboye
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
2nd Lieuts, — R. du P. Grenfell

T. G. Collins
Paymaster, — ^J. M. Russell (Capt.)
Adjutant, — C. Coventry
Riding-Master, — H. M^Gee
^artermaster, — D. Shawe

1889

Colonel'in- Chief.
H. R, H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
Colonel, — H. R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
Lieut. 'Colonel, — S. M. Benson
Majors, — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains, — C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A, Steele
E. B. Herbert

232

Appendix A

Captains, — Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry (Adjutant)
H. W. R. Ricardo
Lieutenants, — Hon. H. A. Lawrence

G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-

Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
ind Lieut s, — R. du P. Grenfell

T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
Paymaster, — ^J. M. Russell
Riding-Master, — H. M^Gee
Quartermaster, — D. Shawe

1890.

Colonel'in- Ch ief,
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
Colonel, — H .R. Benson, C.B. (Gen.)
Lieut, 'Colonel, — S. M. Benson
Majors, — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains. — C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L .H. D. Fortescue

Captains. — C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Lieutenants, — Hon. H. A. Lawrence

G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-

Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
l,nd Lieuts, — T. G. Collins

Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
Paymaster. — ], M. Russell
Adjutant, — C. Coventry
Riding'Master.—H. M^Gee
^artermaster. — D. Shawe

1891.

Colonel-in- Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
G?/.— H. R. Benson, C.B (Gen.)
Lieutenant'Colonel, — S. M. Benson
Majors, — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains, — C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
T. A. Steele
E. B. Herbert

'^ZZ

History of the 17 th Lancers

Captains, — Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Lieutenants. — Hon. H. A. Lawrence

G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-

Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A. Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
2nd Lieuts. — T. G. Collins

Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
Adjutant. — Hon. H. A. Lawrence
Riding-Master. — H. M^Gee
^artermaster. — D. Shawe

1892.

Colonel'in- Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
Colonel. — H. R. Benson (Gen.)
Lieutenant-Colonel. — S. M. Benson
Majors. — E. A. Belford

Hon. J. P. Bouverie
F. W. Benson
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains. — C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue

Captains. — C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Lieutenants. — Hon. H. A. Lawrence

G. C. C. D'Aguilar
G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-

Wilson
B. P. Portal
A. J. T., Earl of Ava
A, Rawlinson
N. T. Nickalls
E. D. Miller
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
7.nd Lieuts. — T. G. Collins

Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
Adjt. — Hon. H. A. Lawrence
Riding- Master. —VJ. Pilley (Hon.

Lieutenant)
^artermaster, — D. Shawe

1893.

Colonel-in-Chief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge,
Field Marshal, Commander-in-
Chief
Colonel. — Sir D. C. Drury-Lowe,

K.C.B. (Lieut.-Gen.)
Lieutenat-Colonel. — E. A. Belford
Majors. — F. W. Benson (Attached

Egyptian Army)
M. G. Neeld
H. C. Jenkins
Captains. — C. H. Purvis
H .Fortescue
E. B. Herbert
Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue

234

Appendix A

Captains. — C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
Lieutenants. — G. C. C. D'Aguilar

G. F. Milner
C. A. S. Warner
F. P. M. Maryon-

Wilson
B. P. Portal
N. T. Nickalls
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
T. G. Collins
7.nd Lieuts. — Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
W. F. Egerton
W. A. Tilney
Adjutant. — Hon. H. A, Lawrence
Riding-Master. — W. Pilley
garter master. — C. Clarke (Hon.

Lieutenant)

1894.

Colonel'in- Ch ief.
H.R.H. Duke of Cambridge, Field
Marshal, Commander-in-Chief

Colonel. — Sir D. C. Drury-Lowe,

K.C.B. (Lieut.-Gen.)
Lieutenant-Colonel. — E. A. Belford
Majors. — M. G. Neeld
C. H. Purvis
H. Fortescue
Captains. — E. B. Herbert

Hon. L. H. D. Fortescue
C. J. Anstruther
W. G. Renton
C. Coventry
H. W. R. Ricardo
Hon. H. A. Lawrence
Lieutenants. — G. C. C. D'Aguilar

C. A. S. Warner
B. P. Portal
N. T. Nickalls
H. M. Jessel
V. S. Sandeman
T. G. Collins
Prince Adolphus of

Teck
H. C. Noel
2nd Lieutenants. — W. F. Egerton

W. A. Tilney
Sir F. Burdett, Bt.
Adjutant. — Hon. H. A. Lawrence
Riding-Master.— Vf . Pilley
^artermaster. — C. Clarke

235

APPENDIX B

QUARTERS AND MOVEMENTS OF THE I7TH LANCERS SINCE

THEIR FOUNDATION

P signifies headquarters]

1759. November yth, — Warrant for raising the regiment.

November 26th (?) — First rendezvous. Watford and Rickmans-

worth.
December. — Coventry.

1 760. October. — Haddington,^ Musselburgh.

1 761. August. — Perth,^ Falkland, Aberdour, Cupar, Culross, Leven.

1762. yune. — Musselburgh 1 (2 troops), Dalkeith (2), Hamilton.
September. — Haddington,^ Dalkeith, Dunbar, Hamilton, Mussel-
burgh, Linlithgow.

iy62> January. — Haddington^ (2), Dalkeith, Dunbar, Musselburgh,

Linlithgow.
1764 to 1 77 1. — Ireland. [Gap in the muster-rolls ; 2 troops in the Isle
of Man 1766.]

1772. January. — ClonmeP (3), Clogheen (2), Leightonbridge (i).
July. — Kilkenny^ (2), Carrick (2), Ross (2),

1773. January. — Kilkenny ^ (2), Carrick (2), Ross, Leightonbridge.
July. — Carlow,^ A thy, Tullow, Callen.

1774. January. — Carlow,^ Athy, Tullow, Callen.
July. — Maryborough,^ Mount Mellick.

1775. jfpril. — Embarked for Boston ; arrived 10-15 June.

America, active service.

1776. March. — Embarked for Halifax. June. — Left Halifax.

July. — Landed Staten Island. August. — Mustered Staten Island.

1777. January. — Mustered at New York.
May. „ Perth and Amboy.

August. „ Camp, New York Island, and Bloomendale.

1778. February. „ Philadelphia.

1779. September. „ Flushing, Long Island (detachment to

Carolina).

1780. May. — Mustered at Hampstead, Long Island.

236

Appendix B

1780. July. — Mustered at East Chester.

1 78 1. January. „ Haarlem, N. Y., and Hampstead, L. I.
July. „ Flushing, L. I.

1782. January, „ Hampstead, L. I.
July, „ Fort Knyphausen.

1783. January, „ New York and Haarlem.
July, „ New York.

Embarked for Ireland.

1784. January, — Cork (on arrival).

July, — Maryborough^ (3), Mount Mellick (3).

1785. January, — Maryborough,^ Mount Mellick.
July, — Tullamore,^ Philipstown.

1786. January, — Tullamore,^ Philipstown.
July, — Longford,^ Navan.

1787. January, — Athlone,^ Mount Mellick, Navan, " Man-of-War.**
July, — Castlebar,^ Sligo, Ballinrobe.

1788. — Castlebar,^ Sligo, Ballinrobe.
1789. — Bandon.

1790. July, — Kilkenny.

1 79 1. January, — Kilkenny,^ Carrick, Ross.
July, — Kilkenny.

1 792. January, — Kilkenny.
July, — Phoenix Park.

1793. January, — Collon.
July, — Lisburn.

1 794. — Belturbet.

1 795. May ? — Three troops embarked for West Indies — ^Jamaica.

August, „ „ „ St. Domingo.

Active service.
1796. — Jamaica, Grenada, St. Domingo.
1797. March, — Port Royal (3 troops) ? for embarkation.

May, — Trowbridge (2 troops ? depot).

August, — Return from West Indies. Nottingham, Trowbridge,
Gloucester, Bath, Bristol.
1798. — Canterbury (detachment on active service to Ostend).
1 799, — Canterbury. Two troops to Southampton.

Summer, — Swinley Camp.

Winter,- -Exeter and Taunton.
1800. Summer. — Bagshot Heath.

Winter. — Duffield (in aid of civil power).
1 80 1 to 1802. — Manchester,^ Lancaster, Chester, Bolton, Preston.
1803. ^^y^ — Embarked for Ireland.

Tullamore,^ Philipstown, Carlow, Kilkenny
1804. — Clonmel,^ Tullamore, Philipstown, Carlow, Kilkenny.

237

History of the 17 th Lancers

1805. — Dublin.

September, — ^Moved to Northampton.
1806. April, — Brighton, Romney, Rye, Hastings.

October, — Embarked for active service in South America.

December. — Arrived in La Plata.
1807. — Active service in South America.

November. — Embarked for England.

1808. January, — Disembarked at Portsmouth and marched to Chichester.
February, — Embarked for East Indies.

August, — Fort William, Calcutta.

1809. February, — Surat. Detachment to Persia.
1 8 10. — Surat.

1 8 1 1 . December. — Ruttapore.

i8i2to 1821. — Ruttapore. Active service, detachments 1813 to 1815;

whole regiment, 1816 to 1821.
1822. — Ruttapore.

1823. January, — Embarked for England.

May, — Arrived in England. Quarters, Chatham.

1824. June, — Regent's Park Barracks.
July. — Canterbury.

1825. June, — Regent's Park Barracks.
July, — Brighton, Chichester.

1826. March, — Exeter and Topsham.

1827. January, — Hounslow and Hampton Court.

1828. April, — Dundalk, Belturbet.

1829. May, — Dublin.

1830. May, — Newrbridge,! Armagh, Navan, Kells, Kilkenny.

1 83 1. April, — Limerick,^ Ennis, Newmarket, Adair.
June, — Headquarters to Ballincollig.

1832. April, — Portobello Barracks, Dublin.
June, — Newport,^ Berkeley, Dursley.
July, — Dursley,^ Wootton-under-Edge.
November. — Headquarters to Gloucester.

(Cholera year.)

1833. March, — Hounslow,^ Hampton Court, Kensington.

1834. May, — Leeds,^ Burnley.

1835. May, — Manchester.

1836. April, — Norwich, Ipswich.

1837. May, — Coventry, Northampton.

1838. June, — Portobello Barracks, Dublin

1839. January, — Royal Barracks, Dublin.
August, — Portobello Barracks.

1 840. — Portobello Barracks.
1 841. — Glasgow, Edinburgh.^

238

Appendix B

1842. — Leeds.

1843. ^P^^^' — Nottingham.^

[ Autumn, ] — Birmingham.^

1844. May. — Hounslow.^

1845. April. — Brighton.^

1846. June. — Dundalk.^

1847. April. — Island Bridge,^ Portobello and Royal Barracks.
October. — Royal Barracks.

1848 to 1849. — Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1850. April. — Newbridge,^ Clonmel, Kilkenny, Waterford, Carrick.

1 85 1. April. — Woolwich.
October. — Canterbury.

1852. June. — Brighton,^ Christchurch, Trowbridge.

1853. March. — Brighton,^ Dorchester.
June. — Chobham.

July. — Hounslow,^ Hampton Court.

1854. ^P^^^' — Sailed for active service in the Crimea. Depot, Canterbury.
1855. — Crimea.

1856. April. — Left the East for Ireland.

May. — Cahir Barracks,^ Fethard, Clonmel, Clogheen, Limerick.
September. — Portobello Barracks.

1857. March. — Island Bridge Barracks.

October. — Embarked for active service in India. Depot, Canterbury.

1858. February. — Arrived Kirkee, Bombay.
Pursuit of Tantia Topee.

1859. May — Gwalior.

i860. January. — Left Gwalior.

April. — Secunderabad.
1 86 1 to December 1864. — Secunderabad.

1865. January. — Embarked for England.
May. — Colchester.

1866. March. — Aldershot.

1867. August. — Brighton,^ ShornclifFe.

1868. June. — Woolwich,^ Kensington, Hampton Court,
y/w^ttjr.-- -Hounslow, Kensington, Hampton Court.

1869. July. — Edinburgh,^ Hamilton.

1870. April. — Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1 87 1. April. — Longford,^ Athlone, Ballinrobe, Castlebar, Gort.

1872. May. — BallincoUig, Limerick, Cork, Fermoy, Clogheen.

1873. July. — Curragh.

August. — Island Bridge Barracks, Dublin.

1874. August. — Dundalk,^ Belfast, Belturbet (i troop in December)

1875. June. — Island Bridge^ and Royal Barracks, Dublin.

1876. June. — Embarked for England for autumn manoeuvres.

239

History of the 17 th Lancers

1876. September. — East Cavalry Barracks, Aldershot.

1877. August. — Leeds,^ Preston, Sheffield.

1878. \^May. — Detachments to Burnley, Blackburn, and Clitheroe, in aid

of civil power.]
July. — Aldershot.
September. — Hounslow,^ Hampton Court.

1879. February. — Embarked for active service in South Africa. Depot,

Hounslow

April. — Arrived Durban.

October. — Embarked for India.

November. — Arrived at Mhow.
1880 to January 1884. — Mhow. Depot, Canterbury.
1884. January and February. — Lucknow.
1885 to 1890. — Lucknow.

1890. October. — Embarked for England.

November. — ShornclifFe (one squadron in Egypt).

1 89 1. July. — Hounslow.

1 892. Hounslow, Hampton Court, and Kensington.

1893. September. — Preston^ [Derby, Alfreton, Normanton (in aid of civil

power)] and Birmingham.

1894. Leeds,! Birmingham.

240

APPENDIX C

PAY OF ALL RANKS OF A LIGHT DRAGOON REGIMENT

1764

S. = *• Subsistence/' A. = Arrears. G. = Grass money.

Colonel.

Lieut. -Colonel,

Major.

Captain.

8.^^483 12 6

£lll 12 6

^282 17 6

/209 17 6

A. 112 13 3

79 H 9

66 7

54 3 S

L^9^ 5 9

£\^1' 1 3

;f3+9 4 6

^{^264 II

Capt,-Lt, y Lieut.

Cornet.

Chaplain.

Adjutant.

S.^127 15

jfi09 10

£9^ 5

£%2 2 6

A. 25 II 4

26 15 8

22 6 4

20 I 9

i:«53 6 4

i:'36 5 8

;f"3 " 4

;fj02 4 3

Surgeon.

Surgeon^s Mate.

Quartermaster.

Sergeant.

S./;82 2 6
A. 20 I 9

4 17 5

£75
20 13 10

S./18 5
A. 990
G. I II 10

£^01 4 3

iCS9 '2 5

/93 13 10

£^9 5 10

Corporal.

Trumpeter.

Farrier.

Z,/^>f/ Dragoon

^.£ii 2 8

Ci% 5

£9 2

A. 620

7 16

3 10

3 I

G. I II 10

I II 10

^19 16 6

^27 12 10

£jl '1_'°^

£^A.^± ^?

' Besides a halfpenny per day per horse of his troop.

241

History of the 17th Lancers

1796

All the allowances hitherto known under the head of

Bread money,

Grass money,

Poundage money,

New allowances for necessaries,
to be comprised under one head, and form a daily rate of allowance. Such
daily rate for non-commissioned officers and men of the cavalry (after
deduction of is. 8d. per man for horsecloth and surcingle) to be 3^d.
per diem.

242

APPENDIX D

HORSE FURNITURE AND ACCOUTREMENTS OF A LIGHT
DRAGOON (with PRICES THEREOF) IN 1759

Saddle . . ^^i

Holsters . . . o
Stirrup Leather . . o

Tinned Stirrups . . o

Girths and Surcingle^ . o
Crupper . . o

Breastplate . . . o
Furniturecompletewith
Leather Seat and Em-
broidery .
Crupper Pad
Point Straps and Loops
Carbine Bucket .
Bucket Strap
Carbine Strap
2 long Baggage Straps
2 single „ „

1 middle „ Strap

2 Cloak Straps

5
I

3
6

1 2

o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o

7
I

o
o
I
I

o
o

3i
6

4
3

2
I

I middle Cloak Strap . ^^o

Bridle and Bridoon . o

Tinned Bit . . o

Linking Collar, brown o

„ „ white . o

Pair Leathered Canvas

Bags for curry comb

and brushes . . o

Curry Comb and Brush ^ o

ManeComb and Sponge^ o

Horse Cloth ^ . .0

Snaffle Watering Bridle ^ o

Carbine . . .2

Pair of Pistols . . i lo

Sword . . . o 12

„ Belt . .05

Shoulder Belt . .05

Cartridge Box and Belt o 2

3
2

4
2

" NECESSARIES '*

3 Shirts

2 pairs Shoes

1 „ Gaiters

2 „ Stockings
Forage Cap
Saddle Bag
I pair Canvas or Woollen Overhose

3
6

3
8

o
o
o
o
o
8

OF A CAVALRY SOLDIER, I795

I Stock

I Black Ball

1 Canvas or Woollen Frock or Jacket

2 Brushes

I Curry Comb and Brush
I Mane Comb and Sponge
I Horse Picker

* Articles marked (^) were found at the Dragoon's expense out of his arrears and grass money.
Also the following articles (besides the clothing specified in Appendix E) : Goatskin holster
top at IS. 6d. j Horse picker and turnscrew, 2d. ; Pair of saddle bags.

243

APPENDIX E

CLOTHING, ETC., OF A LIGHT DRAGOON, I764

Coat, waistcoat, breeches, and cloak found by the Colonel by contract.

Helmet

Necessary Bags

£0

Boots and Spurs .

Corn Bag , .

Watering Cap

Black Ball ^ .

4 Shirts^ at 6s. lod.

3 Shoe Brushes ^ .

4 pairs Stockings^ at

Hair Comb .

2S. lod. .

Burnisher

I pair Boot Stockings .

White Portmanteau

2 pairs Shoes at 6s.^

I pair of Gloves .

I Black Stock 1 .

Farrier's Cap

I „ „ Buckled

„ Budgets .

I pair Leather Breeches ^

„ Apron

I pair Knee Buckles^ .

„ Axe and Case

I pair Short Black

„ Saw and Case

Gaiters^ .

Trumpeter's Hat anc

White Jacket 1 2 .

Feather

Stable Frock

IVumpet

Pick-wire and Pan Brush

Sling and 'l*assels ol

Worm and Oil Bottle

• • •

crimson and white

All articles marked Q) supplied, according to King's regulation and custom, out of the Light
Dragoon^s arrears and grass money.

* White Jacket added to the kit by the special request of the men themselves at the close of the
Seven Years' War.

244

APPENDIX F

EVOLUTIONS REQUIRED AT THE INSPECTION OF A REGIMENT

1759

The squadron was drawn up in three ranks at open order, i.e. with
a distance equal to half the front of the squadron between ranks.

Each squadron was told off into half-ranks, one-third of ranks, and fours.

Officers take your posts of exercise, — The officers rode out from their posts
till eight or ten paces in rear of the CO., then turned about and faced
their squadrons.

Half-ranks to the right ; double your files. — The left half-ranks of each
squadron reined back to the half-distance between ranks, and passaged to
the right until the right half-ranks were covered.

Half-ranks that doubled; as you were, — ^The left half- ranks passaged to
the left and rode back to their original places.

(The same manoeuvre then executed to the left.)

Rear ranks to the right ; double your front, — The rear ranks wheeled
into column of half-ranks, then wheeled (as a column) to the left and came
up, the leading half-rank on the right flank of the front, and the rear half-
rank on the right flank of the centre rank.

Rear ranks that doubled ; as you were, — ^The columns of half-ranks
wheeled to the right, and countermarched to their original places.

(The same manceuvre then repeated to the left.)

By two divisions to right and left a bout ^ outward^ march, — Each rank of
each squadron divided in the centre, and wheeled, the right half-ranks to
right about, and the left half-ranks to left about ; whereby each squadron
was formed into two divisions, with an interval between them, facing to
the rear.

If^heel to the right and left about to your proper front. — The original
formation resumed.

Centre rear ranks move up to your order,-— ^^ Order ^^ allowed a distance
equal to one-third of the squadron's frontage between ranks.

245

History of the 1 7th Lancers

By three divisions wheel to the right, — We should now give the word
" Divisions, right wheel."

To the right.

To the right about,

(Same manoeuvre repeated to the left.)

Centre and rear ranks move forward to your close order, — Close order
reduced the distance between ranks to the space required for four men to
wheel abreast.

By fours wheel to the right about.

By fours wheel to the left about.

Officers take post in front of your squadrons.

Squadrons wheel to the right ; march.

To the right.

To the right about.

The same then was repeated to the left ; and the evolutions came to
an end, the trumpets blowing a march till the inspecting officer was out
of sight.

THE END

Printed hy K. 8c K. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Texts

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own)"

See other formats